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1 

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4 

5 

6 

ELEAZER  WHEELOCR  RIPIE! 


OF- 


The  War  of  1812. 


Major  General  in    the    United   States   Army- 
Member  of  Congress— Etc. 


-BY— 


HIS   NEPHEW.   NICHOLAS   BAY LIES. 


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PREFACE. 

In  writing  the  life  of  General  Ripley  and  for 
a  more  just  understanding  of  his  character,  the 
author  has  taken  the  liberty  to  go  into  the  details 
of  history,  the  delineation  of  contemporaries; 
the  results  of  the  measures  which  engaged  his  at- 
tention, and  the  efforts  he  made  to  shape  public 
opinion  in  regard  to  them. 

To  such  results  we  properly  look  in  judging 
of  the  patriotism,  the  sagacity  and  courage  of 
Public  Men  and  in  deciding  what  amount  of 
praise  or  censure,  they  merit  whether  in  militarj'^ 
or  civil  life. 

The  people  of  the  United  States,  prior  to  1815, 
w*?re  divided  into  two  political  parties,  known  as 
federal  and  republican.  General  Ripley,  in-  early 
life,  joined  the  latter  and  as  conducive  to  a  better 
understanding  of  the  aims  and  principles  which 
controlled  him,  and  the  respective  parties,  we 
give  in  an  appendix,  a  concise  history  of  the  ex- 
citing questions  which,  growing  out  of  the  action 
of  the  general  government,  agitated  New  Eng- 
land during  that  period. 


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CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  T. 

Page. 
Hiirlrnnd  Military  Li fo  of  Elenzer   Whee- 

'lock  Ripley:— 1782-1815 1 

CHAPTER  H. 

Military  ami  Political:— 1815-1820 79 

?P  CHAPTER  III. 

Civil  and  Political:— 1820-1836 101 

CHAPTER  IV. 

i 

Political-Retirement-Death— 1836-1839.. . .   138 

APPENDIX. 

Politics  in  New  England:— 1789-1815 151 

Parties-United  States  Bank-Alien  and  Se- 
dition Laivs-Embargo-War  of  1812  and 
the  Hartford  Convention. 


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■f.o»^  *»ia®jf 4-^1(>,<^i.ra4^t, 


Life  of  Eleazer  Wheelock  Ripley. 


CHAPTER  I. 
,      Life  of  Eleazer  W.  Ripley,  1782-1815. 

Eleazer  W.  Ripley,  conspicuouss  among  the 
heroes  of  the  war  of  1812,  with  Great  Britain,  a 
prominent  and  influential  member  of  the  great 
political  party  to  which  Jefferson,  Madison,  Jack- 
son, Edward  Livingston,  George  Bancroft  and 
Levi  Woodbury  belonged,  and  ever  a  devoted 
friend  of  the  National  Union,  was  born  at  Hanover 
in  the  state  of  New  Hampshire,  April  15th,  seven- 
teen hundred  and  eighty-two. 

His  father,  Sylvanus  Ripley,  was  a  member  of 
the  first  class  which  was  graduated  at  Dartmouth 
College.  Subsequently  became  professor  of  the- 
ology in  that  institution,  and  while  occupying  that 
position  was  accidentally  killed  February  5th,  sev- 
enteen hundred  and  eighty-seven,  hj  being  thrown 
from  r  sleigh,  on  his  way  to  a  neighboring  town  to 
fill  an  appointment.  He  left  a  widow  and  three 
sons  and  three  daughters,  to  lament  his  early  and 
untimely  decear^e. 

From  information  furnished  by  Mitchell's  His- 
tory of  Bridgewater,  Massachusetts,  it  is  probable 
that  Professor  Ripley  was  the  grand-son  of  the 
William  Ripley  who  served  in  Gallup's  compan}', 
in  the  unsuccessful  expedition  against  Quebec,  in 


■IS  .     \ 


2 


Life  of  Eleazer  Wheelock  Ripley. 


I' 


169C).  Jonathan  Riplej%  the  father  of  the  Profes- 
sor, was  born  March  5th,  1707,  and  died  August 
lOth,  1772,  and  the  Professor  hiniself  was  bom 
September  29th,  1749.  On  his  mother's  side,  Gen- 
eral Ripley  was  grand-son  of  Eleazer  Wheelock, 
D.  D.,  the  founder  of  Moor's  Charity  School,  for 
the  education  of  Indian  youths,  and  subsequently 
of  Dartmouth  College. 

Doctor  Wheelock  was  the  great  grand-son  of 
Ralph  Wheelock,  who  was   born  in   Shropshire, 
England,  about  A.  D.  1600,  and  after  having  \jQen 
educated  at  Clare  Mall,  Cambridge,  and  become  a 
non-conforming  minister,  emigrated  with   many 
others  to  America,  in  1637,  in  the  pursuit  of  re- 
ligious liberty.     He  settled  in  Dedham,  Massachu- 
setts, and  became  proprietor  of  Medfield,  where 
many    of   his   descendants   resided.     Not  having 
charge  of  a  church,  he  is  said  to  have   employed 
himself  in  the  instr^ption  of  youth  and   in  giving 
such  "wise  counsel  as  was  needed  in  civil  and  ec- 
clesiastical matters"  at  that  early  period.*  His  son 
Eleazer,  was  both  a  christian  and  a  soldier.     In  a 
war  with  the  Indians  he     ommanded  a  corps  of 
Cavalry,  occupied  his  own  house  for  a  garrison, 
and  with  graat  spirit  and  gallantry   expelled   the 
savages  from  his  settlement.     Upon  the  return  of 
peace,  he  conciliated  them  by  gciod  offices  and  of- 
ten joined  them  in  the  chase.     His  son  Ralph,  un- 
distinguised  by  any  civil  or  military  prominence, 
acquired  and  sustained  the  character  of  a  hospita- 

*London  Christian  Observer,  January,  1814. 


"  .fijjSS^j^MW#i  w 


•«»,»*7»-- 


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e  Prof e  8- 
1  August 
was  bom 
side,  Gen- 
^heelock, 
>chool,  for 
isequently 

and-son  of 
kiropshire, 
ving  '.jeeti 

become  a 
dth  many- 
suit  of  re- 
Massachu- 
eld,  where 
ot  having 

employed 

in  giving 
vil  and  ec- 
[.*  His  son 
dier.     In  a 

a  corps  of 
I  garrison, 
pelled  the 
e  return  of 
ces  and  of- 
Ralph,  un- 
rominence, 

a  hospita- 


jF/i?  Family — In  Colonial  Days,  .    3 

ble  ?md  pious  farmer.  He  was  twice  married. 
His  first  wife  was  Ruth  Huntington  with  whom 
he  was  united  in  marriage  January  8th,  1707.  The 
children  by  this  marriage  were  Eleazei,  the  only 
son,  named  after  his  paternal  grand-father,  and  five 
daughters.  His  second  wife  was  Mercy  Standish, 
a  descendant  of  Miles  Standish,  who  figured  so 
largely  in  the  early  settlement  of  Rhode  Island. 
Some  writers,  probably  not  aware  of  the  two  mar- 
riages, have  represented  that  Dr.  Wheelock,  and 
through  him  General  Ripley,  were  lineal  descend- 
ants of    the  famous  Colonial   soldier. 

The  son  Eleazer,  was  born  in  Dedham,  Connec- 
ticut, April,  1711.  Receiving  a  handsome  legacy 
from  his  grand-father,  after  whom  he  was  named, 
he  was  enabled  to  enter  Yale  College,  where  he  took 
his  American  degree  in  1733,  and  where  he  was  the 
first  to  receive  the  interest  of  a  legacy  given  by 
Dean  Berkley,  to  the  best  classical  scholar.  After 
graduation  he  entered  the  ministry  and  in  1735  be- 
came pastor  of  the  North  Society,  in  Lebanon, 
Connecticut.  Describing  his  character  as  a 
preacher,  his  co-temporary,  Dr.  Trumbull,  says: 
"His  preaching  and  addresses  were  close  and 
pungent  and  yet  winning  beyond  almost  all  com- 
parison, so  that  his  audience  would  be  melted  into 
tears  before  they  were  aware  of  it."  "The  intoler- 
ance which  drove  his  great  grand-father  from 
Shropshire,  gave  character  and  tenacity  to  his  love 
of  freedom.  His  love  and  zeal  for  Christ  and  his 
cause   gave  him   pilgrim    self-denial  and  power. 


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^  i^i'/e  of  FJeaz*}r  Wheelock  Ripley. 

His  first  great  work  as  an  itinerant  preacher, 
raised  him  to  the  high  position  of  yoke-fellow  of 
Whitefield  in  the  Great  Awakening,  and  shadowed 
forth  his  great  good-will  to  man,  however  and 
wherevex  his  Lord  and  Master  might  call  him.* 
Soon  after  this  he  became  interested  in  the  educa- 
tion of  youth,  and  formed  the  plan  of  an  Indian 
missionary  school.  As  early  as  1743,  he  received, 
among  the  boys  whom  he  was  educating,  as  his 
first  Indian  pupil,  Samson  Occam,  who  subse- 
quently became  a  distinguished  preacher,  not  only 
in  this  countrj'  but  also  in  Great  Britain,  which  he 
visited  in  1766  at  the  instance  of  Mr.  Wheelock. 
While  abroad  he  was  extremely  successful  in  se- 
curing funds  for  the  promotion  of  the  beneficent 
objects  of  the  school,  which  as  early  as  1762  had 
more  than  twenty  pupils,  chiefly  Indians.  About 
1754,  Joshua  Moor,  having  donated  a  house  and 
two  acres  of  land  in  Lebanon,  contiguous  to  Mr. 
Wheelock's  house,  the  institution  was  named 
Moor's  Charity  School. 

Occum,  aided  by  the  Rev  Nathaniel  Whitaker, 
who  accompanied  him.succeeded  in  raising  by  con- 
tributions about  £7000,  in  England,  and  between 
£2,000  and  £3,000  in  Scotland,  to  be  expended  un- 
der the  supervision  of  a  board  of  trustees,  of 
which  Lord  Dartmouth  was  president,  and  of  the 
Scotch  Society  for  propagating  christian  knowl- 
edge. After  operating  the  school  some  fifteen 
years.  Dr.  Wheelock  determined  to  seek  a  more 

♦Crosby's  Century  of  Dartmouth  College. 


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oreacher, 
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shadowed 
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.'■  -"c  His  Family,  ■  ■:■■■  ,-A^rM^r\^''''-^; . --''M: 

desirable  location  for  the  institution,  and  to  obtain 
for  it  an  incorporation  as  an  academj^  at  which 
white  and  Indian  youths  could  receive  a  regular 
and  thorough  education.  At  that  time,  Harvard 
and  Yale  Colleges  and  Brown  University,  in  its  in- 
fancy, were  the  only  colleges  in  New  England. 
He  finally  selected  Hanover,  New  Hampshire,  as 
the  site  of  the  proposed  institution,  and  obtained 
a  charter  for  Dartmouth  College,  which  was  partly 
endowed  by  Governor  John  Wentworth.  The 
school  and  the  college  were,  however,  kept  distinct 
although  Dr.Wheelock  was  president  of  both.  The 
college  was  named  after  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth, 
who  was  a  benefactor  of  the  school,  but  not  of  the 
college  "to  the  establishment  of  which  he  and  the 
other  trustees  were  opposed  as  being  a  departure 
from  the  original  plan."  In  1770  President  Whee- 
lock  removed  to  the  new  location  which  at  that 
period  was  an  arduous  and  toilsome  undertaking. 
Of  this,  says  one  writer  "Dr.  Wheelock,  in  1770, 
with  his  family,  servants,  laborers  and  scholars, 
seventy  in  all,  with  cattle  and  cjrts,  implements 
of  husbandry,  books  and  household  effects,  etc., 
traveled  slowly  and  wearily  one  hundred  and  fifty 
miles  over  rough  roads,  to  their  destined  wilder- 
ness home."  As  to  the  condition  of  travel  then 
in  New  England,  in  comparison  with  the  present, 
that  distinguished  scholar,  Professor  George  Tick- 
nor,  of  Harvard  College,  gives  this  graphic  ac- 
count in  his  auto-biography:  "My  grand-father's 
farm  was  at  Lebanon  on  the  Connecticut  river. 
Dartmouth  College  in  Hanover,  New  Hampshire, 


1 


-:     1 


.^^.■^n,v.n.i->m-rmrt^immmi>m'IV»VI^'' 


6 


Life  of  Eleazer  Wheelock  Riple}-. 


ftv- 


where  my  father  was  educated,  was  only  a  few 
miles  off,  and  he  liked  to  visit  both.     My  mother 
went  with  him,  and  so  did  I,  beginning  in  1802. 
But  it  was  a  very  different  thing  to  travel  then  and 
in  the  interior  of  New  England,  from   what  it   is- 
now.     The  distance  was  hardly  one  hundred  and 
twenty  miles,  but  it  waa  a  hard  week's  work  with 
a  carriage  and  a  pair  of  horses.     The  carriage  be- 
ing what  used  to  be  called  a  coachee.    One  day,  I 
recollect,  we  made  with  difficulty  thirteen  miles, 
and  the  road  was  so  rough  and  dangerous  that  my 
mother  was  put  on  horseback,  and  two  men  were 
hired  to  go  on  foot  with  ropes  to  steady  the  car- 
riage over  the  most  difficult  places.     But  we   got 
through  at  last,  and  I  enjoyed  it  very  much,  for  it 
was  all  new  and  full  of  strange  adventure.     I  was 
eleven  when  I  took  this,  my  first  journey."     The 
winter  of  1771  proved  cold,  the  snow  lay  from  four 
to  five  feet  deep  and  provisions  were  procured 
with  difficulty  for  the  support  of  the  many  per- 
sons at  Hanover. 

The  duties  that  devolved  upon  the  pres- 
ident were  various,  but  he  applied  himself 
with  untiring  zeal  to  their  performance.  Receiv- 
ing no  salary  but  only  a  support,  he  served  as 
President  of  the  college  and  preceptor  of  the 
school,  supervised  the  erection  of  the  necessary 
buildings,  the  location  of  roads,  the  clearing  of 
land,  and  the  building  of  bridges  and  of  mills. 
With  him  it  was  a  labor  of  love  and  of  a  broad, 
comprehensive  sense  of  duty.  As  to  the  extent  of 
his  labors  we  may  form  an  idea  from  the  follow- 


-^•■—    -••  — '!•*  —■•^v'--  ,^>^4- Irf-wijijs  *J  ■ij^JS^^^'^WTfs^^i.s- ''^■■'*  ^--f^'  "- 


ii 


^Wt'' 


ly  a  few 
r  mother 

in  1802. 
then  and 
hat  it  i& 
idred  and 
krork  with 
-riage  be- 
)ne  day,  I 
en  miles, 
8  that  my 
men  were 

the  car- 
t  we  got 
uch,  for  it 
re.  I  was 
ey."     The 

from  four 

procured 
many  per- 

the  pres- 
himself 
Receiv- 
served  as 
;or  of  the 
necessary 
learing  of 
of  mills. 
A  a  broad, 
e  extent  of 
he  foUow- 


Founding  of  Dartmouth  College, 


ing  description,  which  he  gave  of  them  at  the  ex- 
piration of  those  years:  "For  six  months"  says 
he,  "in  the  year,  I  have  thirty  to  forty  laborers,  be- 
sides men  in  the  mills,  kitchen,  wash-house,  etc., 
the  last  3'^ear  about  eighty  students,  dependent  and 
independent,  besides  my  family,  consequently 
large.  I  have  seven  yoke  of  oxen,  twenty  cows; 
have  cleared  and  fenced  fifteen  acres  of  wheat, 
and  have  twenty  acr^s  of  corn;  have  cleared  pas- 
turing, sowed  hay-seed,  and  girdled  ell  the  growth 
on  five  hundred  acres,  I  have  enclosed  with  a 
fence  abou*  two  thousand  acres  of  this  wilderness 
to  restrain  my  cattle  and  horses.  A  little  more 
than  three  years  ago  mere  was  nothing  but  a  hor- 
rible wilderness,  now  eleven  comfortable  dwelling 
houses,  beside  the  students'  house,  bams,  malt 
and  brew  house,  shops,  etc.  I  live  in  my  little 
store  house,  my  family  is  much  straightened  but 
cannot  afford  to  build  for  myself."* 

President  Wheelock  was  unceasing  in  his  ef- 
forts to  advance  the  interests  of  the  institution, 
but  the  difficulties  which  soon  arose  between  the 
mother  countr}"  and  the  Colonies,  followed  by  open 
war,  interfered  with  the  prosecution  of  his  plans, 
cut  off  his  resources,  and  he  found  himself  con- 
fronted by  pecuniary'  embarrassments. 

In  April,  1775,  intelligence  reached  Massachu- 
setts that  the  complaints  of  the  American  Colon- 
ists met  with  an  unfavorable  reception  in  Eng- 
land, that  both  houses  of  parliament  had  pledged 

*Dr.  Crosby. 


t 


si  '■■■'■' 


»-Vi«*>ur«  W*W=!«W»l  »*•' 


s 


Life  of  Elt'azer  Wheelock  Ripley. 


I 


to  their  king  their  most  zealous  and  hearty  co-op- 
eration for  the  reduction  of  the  colonies,  and  that 
the  army  of  General  Gage,  in  Boston,  v^ould  be 
speedily  and  largely  re-enforced.  At  the  same 
time  British  emissaries  were  industrious  among 
the  Indians  of  the  Northwest  in  stirring  up  and 
enlisting  them  with  all  their  ferocious  and  merci- 
less passions  in  the  service  of  the  British  king. 
The  people  of  New  England  were  Cvspecially  ex- 
posed to  their  fury,  and  the  frontier  settlement  at 
Hanover  would  naturally  be  the  first  to  suffer  from 
one  of  their  warlike  and  predatory  incursions. 
Alarmed  at  the  dangers  which  menaced  the  settle- 
ment and  the  college,  which  had  so  long  been  the 
object  of  his  are  and  nurture.  President  Whee- 
lock  dispatched  "James  Dean,  a  young  preacher, 
who  understood  the  language  of  the  Iriquois,  to 
itinerate  among  the  Indians  in  Canada  and  bright- 
en the  chain  of  friendship."  * 

The  dreaded  attack  was  happily  averted,  and 
to  the  long  devotion  of  the  president  in  his  efforts 
to  ameliorate  the  condition  of  the  Indian8,may  pos- 
sibly be  attributed,  in  a  large  degree,  the  escape, 
at  this  critical  period,  from  the  horrors  of  savage 
warfare.  - 

The  deep  anxiety  which  filled  his  mind  may  be 
inferred  from  what  he  says  in  a  letter  written  in 
1775:  "I  have  sent  to  Connecticut  upon  the 
almost  hopeless  errand  to  hire  £600  and 
propose    to    mortgage    my    patrimony    and    all 


♦Bancroft,  Vol.  iv,  pp  309-10. 


rty  co-op- 
,  and  that 
would  be 
the  same 
IS  among 
g  up  and 
nd  merci- 
tish  king-, 
icially  ex- 
ilement at 
iiffer  from 
ncursiona. 
the  settle- 
5  been  the 
;nt  Whee- 
preacher, 
riquois,  to 
nd  bright- 

erted,  and 
his  efforts 
3,may  pos- 
he  escape, 
of  savage 

ind  may  be 

written  in 

upon  the 

B600      and 

^    and    all 


Hia  Family — The  Revolutionary  War,        9 


my  interest  there,  as  security  for  three  or  four 
3'ear8  ratlier  than  send  these  boys  away.  He  did 
not  live  to  see  the  close  of  the  struggle,  but  expir- 
ed on  the  24th  of  April,  1779,  with  his  intellect  un- 
impaired to  the  last."  Says  his  biographer:  "For 
the  several  duties  of  president  of  the  school  and 
college,  professor  of  divinity  and  pastor  of  the 
church  in  the  college,  Dr.  Wheelock  received  no 
other  compensation  than  a  supply  of  provisions 
for  hia  family;  and  having  advanced  between  three 
and  four  thousand  dollars  out  of  hia  own  funds 
for  the  use  of  the  institution  at  the  season  of  its 
chief  difficulties,  he,  by  his  last  will,  bequeathed 
to  it  this  sum,  reserving  only  an  ai.nuity  of  about 
one  hundred  and  sixty  dollars  to  his  eldest  son,  an 
invalid."  "The  charter  of  the  college  gave  him 
the  right  to  appoint  his  successor  who  should  con- 
tinue in  office  until  disapproved  by  the  trustees,* 
and  he  selected  his  second  son,  Colonel  John 
Wheelock,  then  in  the  continental  army  and  who 
served  under  General  Gates  at  the  capture  of 
Burgoyne.  Upon  the  cessation  of  hostilities.  Col. 
Wheelock  made  a  successful  visit  to  Europe  in 
the  interest  of  the  institution  and  held  the  posi- 
tion of   president  for  some  thirty  years.f    After 

♦Trustees  of  Dartmouth  College  v  s.Woodward,  4  Wheaton, 
U.  S.  Rep.  p.  518,  V.  5. 

iWheelock,  John,  D.  D.L.L.D,  ns4.-i8iy. 

B.  Conn,  studied  3  years  at  Yale  College.  Went  with  his 
father  to  Hanover  1770  and  graduated  at  Dartmouth  College 
1 771;  was  tutor  1 772-1 774:  represented  Hanover  in  the  legista- 


'r 


p 
M 


'  I 


■,-.,''*ir*'w»*'"'  li^-*"-**^*  ■ 


I' 

lit 


>>.' 

t 


/{7 


Z.//e  of  Bleazcr  Wheelock  Ripley, 


the  cloBfc  of  the  war,  the  college  entered  again  up- 
on a  prosperous  career;  handsome  donations  flo\v- 
ed  in  to  itb  assistance,  from  different  sources  es- 
pecially from  the  states  of  Vermont  and  New 
Hampshire,  and  the  many  illustrious  men,  who 
have  received  its  benefits,  bear  undisputed  and 
ample  testimony  to  its  usefulness. 

Among  these,  General  Ripley  occupied  a 
prominent  position.  "         .--■-'^-■-^^^a':' :4'^--':y :■■..', ■■^'-'t'-^ 

Born  soon  after  the  decease  of  his  maternal 
grand-father,  after  whom  he  was  named,  deprived 
of  paternal  instruction,  the  supervision  of  his 
early  education  devolved  upon  a  mother,  who, 
a  woman  of  culture  and  energy,  applied  herself 
with  a  mother's  solicitude  to  the  education  and 
support  of  her  young  and  dependent  children. 
In  a  place  but  just  reclaimed  from  its  primeval 
forests  and  solitude,  and  reminded  on  every  hand 
by  the  example  of  others,  of  what  man  owes  to 
man,  it  was  natural  that  youth  should  be  inspired 
with  eager  and  ambitious  hopes.  Under  such 
influences  the  young  Ripley  entered  the  College 
in  the  fourteenth  year  of  his  age  and  throughout 
his  college  course  sustained  such  rank  as  gave 
promise  of  future  usefulness. 

ture  1773;  served  for  a  time  in  continental  army,  became  lieut., 
colonel  and  major;  was  on  Gates'  staff;  elected  president  on  the 
death  of  his  father  1779;  visited  England  1780  to  obtain  funds; 
was  shipwrecked  off  Cape  Cod  and  lost  his  money  and  papers; 
was  removed  in  1815  on  account  of  an  ecclesiastical  controversy, 
but  restored  in  two  years.  He  published  sketches  of  Dartmouth 
College. — Attierican  Addition  to  Chambers'  Encyclopedia. 


H. 


^X-i.   fw^if    "^     *>5S>"^ir^i^ 


V  ' 

igain  II  p- 
oiis  flow- 

ind  New 
len,  who 
uted  and 


;upied 


a 


maternal 
deprived 
n  of  his 
ler,  who, 
d  herself 
ition  and 
children, 
primeval 
-^ery  hand 
.  owes  to 
inspired 
der  such 
B  College 
iroughout 
:  as  gave 

:came  lieut. , 
ident  on  the 
btain  funds; 
and  papers; 
controversy, 
f  Dartmouth 
lopedia. 


£arljr  L,ife-'1782-1812, 


11 


*"..  -i  Upon  his  graduation  in  the  year  eighteen 
hundred  he  commenced  the  study  of  law  in  the 
office  of  hi«  cousin,  Judge  Woodward,  at  Hanover, 
and  afterwards  prosecuted  it  in  the  office  of  his 
brother-in-law,  the  Hon,  Judah  Dana,  of  Fryeburg, 
Maine. 

*  Amid  the  high  party  spirit  which  pervaded 
the  country,  Blackstone  and  Coke  could  not  exclu- 
sively occupy  his  mind,  and  he  soon  became 
warmly  and  prominently  enlisted  in  the  political 
contest  which  was  then  fiercely  agitating  the  com- 
munity. He  espoused  the  side  of  what  was  then 
called  the  republican  and  subsequently  the  demo- 
cratic party  and  advocated  its  principles  with  a 
zeal  and  efficiency  that  drew  upon  himself  the 
notice  and  displeasure  of  some  prominent  and  in- 
fluential political  opponents. 

The  hostility  caused  by  his  political  attitude 
proved  an  obstacle  to  his  admission  to  the  bar,  but 
this  was  filially  overcome,  although  a  feeling  of 
deep  exasperation  toward  the  judges,  who  passed 
upon  his  application  for  admission,  long  remain- 
ed in  his  bosom,  and,  perhaps,  was  never  fully 
removed. 

At  this  period  of  his  life,  party  feeling  in 
New  England  ran  high  and  at  this  remote  period 
it  is  difficult  to  realize  the  extent  and  bitterness 
which  party  animosity  attained. 

After  his  admission  to  the  bar,  he  located  in 
Maine,  then  a  province  of  Massachusetts,  where 
he  was  soon  engaged  in  an  extensive  and  success- 


M 


f 


l!\ 


:!li 


ir 

I:" 


I 


r  »•# 


/2         /^//f  o/  Elt'uzer  HhevJock  Ripler. 

ful  pnictice   of  his  profcsHion.     At  the  same  time 
hiB  mind  wan  not  indifferent  to  political  matteri* 
in  which  ht  took  an  active  part  and  in  1807  he  vvat* 
returned  by  the  town  of  Winslow,  as  a  member 
of  the  legishiture  of  iyiassachUvHett8,  in  which  he 
exerted  himself  with  great  success  to  effect  an  ad- 
justment of  the  conflicting  land  titles  by  which 
the  section   of  the    state,  represented  by  himself, 
was  greatly  disturbed.     A  member  of  subequent 
sessions,  he  was  elected  in  1811  to  fill  the  Speak- 
er's Chair  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  vacat- 
ed by  the  appointment  (.-'  the  Hon.  Joseph  vStory 
as  one  of  the  judges  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
United  States.     lie  presided  with  distinguished 
ability,  but  having  removed  to  Portland,  he  was 
not  a  member  of  the  House  for  the  following  ses- 
sion but  was  returned  in  1812  to  the  State  Senate 
for  the  district  composed  of  the  counties  of  Cum- 
berland and  Oxford,  the  latter  county    being   then 
the  residence   of  his  brother,  James  W.  Kipley, 
and  of  his  brother-in-law,  Judah  Dana,  both  active 
and  influential  democrats  and  who  doubtless  had 
an  important  agency  in  elevating  him  to  the  sen- 
ate.    At  this  period  he  boldly  avowed  himself  in 
avor  of  a  w^ar  with  England.     His  senatorial   du- 
^a  were  vSoon  terminated  by   his  accepting  the 
ap')ointment  of  lieutenant  colonel  in  the  United 
States  army,  conferred  upon   him   by   President 
Madison. 

Entering  upon  his  military  duties,  he  was  en- 
trusted with  a  sub-district  extending  from  Saco  to 
the  eastern  frontier  of  what  now  constitutes  the 


MMEM^ 


l^ 


or- 

auie  time 
I  luatteri* 
07  lie  wan 
nieiuber 
which  he 
ect  an  ad- 
by  which 
f  himself, 
mbequent 
he  Speak- 
,rea,  vacat- 
.^ph  vStory 
urt  of  the 
inguifthed 
d,  he  was 
)wing  ses- 
ite  Senate 
B  of  Cuni- 
eing  then 
/.  Ripley, 
oth  active 
Dtlese  had 
3  the  8en- 
limself  in 
torial  du- 
ipting  the 
he  United 
President 

lie  wap  en- 
>ni  Saco  to 
itutes  the 


JSarh'  Lih^Proksaiomil  and  Political     1^ 

state  of  Maine.  He  applied  himself  assidnonsly 
to  placing  his  district  in  a  posture  of  defence,  to 
wn[)eriti tending  the  recruiting  service,  Jind  to  a 
severe  course  of  military  study. 

Between  the  18th  of  June,  1«12>  and  Septem- 
ber, his  recruits  were  etubwlieil  into  a  reginient, 
called  the  twenty-first,  of  which  he  had  the  com- 
mand an<l  which  he  marched  to  Plattsburg,  near 
the  northern  frontier.  Upon  the  close  of  tlie  in- 
efficient  operations  of  the  campaign,  his  regiment 
was  ordere<l  into  winter  quarters  at  Burlington, 
Vermont,  where,  during  the  ensuing  winter,  he 
devoted  himself  to  its  discipline  and  by  his  un- 
wearied efforts  enabled  it  to  become  subsequently 
the  model  regiment  of  the  army. 

At  this  juncture,  party  spirit  had  attained  an 
alarming  pitch  and  it  is  not  improbable  that  there 
were  some  who  would  not  have  regretted  the  dis- 
grace of  the  American  arms,  if,  thereby  their 
own  political  aspirations  Avere  gratified.  They 
denounced  the  war  derided  its  causes,  and  inter- 
posed obstacles  to  its  successful  prosecution. 
They  were  aided  in  their  opposition  by  many  who 
would  doubtless  have  been  eager  to  repel  the  in- 
vader of  our  own  soil,  but,  viewing  the  war  as  im- 
politic and  unnecessary,  were  not  disposed  to  en- 
courage the  invasion  and  conquest  of  Canada  and 
were  desirous  of  expelling  the  supporters  of  the 
war  from  power,  for  the  i^urpose  of  filling  their 
places  with  men  'v^ho  would,  as  they  thought,  more 
readily  avail  thei  iselves  of  the  first  opportunity 
to  re-establish  peace. 


', '  'i' 


\it 


'  i 


am 


EB 


^■•'■-ir8«Mpr>*»<!p>»:»MH«»a!aw^1MMM^ 


I 


14 


Life  of  Eleazer  Wbeelock  Ripley. 


In  the  excitement  of  political  and  even  reli- 
gious strife  and  controversy,  how  liable  ie  the 
mind  to  be  carried  to  extremes,  which  are  re- 
membered with  regret  when  the  moment  of  ex- 
citement is  passed. 

Highly  embellished  descriptions  of  the  dis- 
astrous character  of  republican  policy  were  in 
many  instances  too  successful  in  dispelling  the 
influence  of  a  proper  sense  of  the  national  honor 
and  of  the  national  rights. 

To  such  an  extraordinary  pitch  did  hostility 
to  the  war  arise  that  the  Senate  of  the  Legislature 
of  Massachusetts,  upon  the  capture  of  the  British 
ship,  Peacock,  by  Captain  Lawrence,  declared  it 
"unbecoming  a  moral  and  religious  people  to  ex- 
press approbation  of  naval  and  military  exploits 
which  were  not  immediately  connected  with  the 
defence  of  their  coast  and  soil, "and  the  corporation 
of  the  city  of  Hartford,  Connecticut,  passed  an  or- 
dinance excluding  all  troops  of  the  United  States 
from  the  city,  while  the  state  legislature  was  en- 
deavoring to  discourage  and  prevent  the  enlist- 
ment of  soldiers. 

From  the  position  which  he  had  occupied  as 
an  advocate  of  the  war,  and  as  a  member  of  the 
Massachusetts  legislature.  General  Ripley  was  ful- 
ly apprised  of  the  opinions  of  the  people  in  that 
quarter  of  the  Union,  and  of  the  great  responsibil- 
ity that  rested  upon  those  who  were  determined 
to  sustain  the  policy  of  the  government.  With 
the  natural  energy  of  his  character,  he  endeavor- 


the    dis- 

were  in 

ling  the 

al  honor 

hostility 
^islature 
e  British 
Glared  it 
le  to  ex- 
exploits* 
with  the 
■poration 
ed  an  or- 
2d  States 
was  en- 
le  enlist- 

mpied  as 
er  of  the 
'  was  ful- 
le  in  that 
iponsibil- 
termined 
It.  With 
indeavor- 


Miliiarv  Lifes 


15 


ed  to  dispel  the  fears  of  the  timid,  to  defeat  the 
intrigues  and  machinations  of  opponents,  to 
strengthen  the  government  and  to  promote  the 
glory  of  his  country.  His  political  feelinga  and 
his  love  of  fame  were  alike  combined  to  stimulate 
him  in  his  efforts  to  avert  a  disastrous  issue  to  the 
war.  Hence  his  industry  the  first  winter  to  pre»> 
pare  himself  and  his  regiment  for  active  service 
was  unceasing,  and  the  ensuing  spring  found 
them  ready  for  an  active  and  brilliant  career. 

Promoted  to  the  raiik  of  Colonel  upon  break* 
ing  up  his  winter,  quarters,  he  marched  to  Sack- 
etts  Harbor,  where  his  regiment  was  attached  to 
the  brigade  of  General  Pike,  to  whom  was  en- 
trusted the  immediate  command  of  the  meditated 
attack  upon  York,*  the  capital  of  Upper  Canada. 

On  the  23  of  April  the  troops  embarked  upon 
this  expedition  and  executed  its  object  with  great 
gallantry.  On  the  morning  of  the  27th,  a  landing 
was  effected,  despite  a  severe  cannonade  opened 
upon  the  shipping;  the  enemy  abandoned  their 
forts  and  the  assailants  rushed  forward  to  seize 
them.  At  tiiis  moment  the  magazine  of  the  ene- 
my exploded,  annihilating  the  advance  columns 
and  mortally  wounding  the  gallant  Pike.  Amid 
the  consequent  confusion,  the  enemy  were  noticed 
calling  in  their  detached  parties  and  concentrating 
their  force  in  the  town.  This  however  was  aban- 
doned at  theappioach  of  the  American  troops,  and 
left  to  capitulate  upon  such  terms  as  the  enemy 

♦Now  Toronto.  -     ,       - 


Sj 


\'M 


815  i 


f 


I  ^ 


I  : 


i  t 


I. 

f 

I; 
i 


i'<?  X//e  o/  Eleazer  Wheelock  Ripley, 

should  be  pleased  to  grant.  During  its  occupan- 
cy by  the  American  army,  the  twenty-first  regi- 
ment was  stationed  to  protect  the  property  of  the 
citizens,  and  performed  this  duty  to  the  very 
great  satisfaction  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  town. 

The  army  being  re-embarked,  proceeded  to 
the  assault  of  Fort  George.  Their  arrival  before 
this  fort  was  delayed  by  adverse  winds  until  the 
8th  of  May  and  they  were  not  ready  for  the  assault 
until  the  27th  of  the  month.  Dis-embarking  un- 
der a  well  directed  fire  of  their  shipping,  the  line 
of  the  enemy  was  soon  broken  and  put  to  flight, 
and  the  British  commander,  to  save  the  garrison, 
abandoned  the  fort  and  commenced  a  hasty  re- 
treat. The  2l8t  regiment  having  been  formed  in 
reserve,  but  slightly  participated  in  this  action, 
and  on  the  3rd  of  June,  diminished  by  the  enemy 
and  sickness,  it  was  ordered  to  Sacketts  Harbor 
to  recruit.  .,;-■•:;;:-:.-;,. 

Here  General  Ripley  had  a  severe  attack  of 
sickness,  caused  by  exposure  and  hardship,  but 
by  the  middle  of  July  he  was  able  to  resume  the 
active  duties  of  the  camp. 

The  next  three  months  he  was  incessantly  oc- 
cupied in  disciplining  the  new  recruits  annexed 
to  his  regiment,  which,  when  the  army  made  a 
rendezvous  at  Sacketts  Harbor,  in  the  middle  of 
October,  was  found  in  an  excellent  condition  for 
service. 

The  military  operations  of  1812,  and  the 
spring  of  1813,  under  General  Dearborn,  had  so 


r 


occupan- 
irst  regi- 
rty  of  the 

the  very 
le  town. 

ceeded  to 
val  before 

until  the 
he  assault 
irking  un- 
g,  the  line 

to  flight, 
J  garrison, 
hasty  re- 
formed in 
his  action, 
the  enemy 
ts  Harbor 

attack  of 
iship,  but 
esume  the 

ssantly  oc- 
18  annexed 
ly  made  a 
middle  of 
ndition  for 

2,   and  the 
rn,  had  so 


Military  Li£e— 1812-1815. 


17 


greatly  disappointed  public  expectation,  that  the 
president  was  induced  to  remove  him  and  he  took 
leave  of  the  army  on  the  15th  of  July  1813,  pur- 
suant to  instructions  of  the  Secretary  of  War  to 
retire  until  his  health  should  be  re-established. 
Brigadier  General  Boyd  and  other  officers  remon- 
strated against  his  departure,  but  he  answered 
them  by  referring  to  the  command  of  his  supe- 
riors. General  Wilkinson  succeeded  him,  but  did 
not  arrive  until  August  to  assume  com,mand. 

It  was  determined  to  carry  out  the  project  of 
the  Secretary  of  War,  of  combining  the  armies  of 
Wilkinson  and  of  Hampton  in  a  joint  undertaking 
for  the  capture  of  Montreal  and  Que^ec.  But  un- 
fortunately there  was  no  good  feeling  between 
these  two  commanders.  Hampton  had  no  inclina- 
tion to  co-operate  and  avoided  doing  so. 

Wilkinson  on  the  21st  of  October  embarked 
at  Grenadier  Island  in  more  than  three  hundred 
boats,  protected  by  f  some  vessels  furnished  by 
Commander  Chauncey,  and  started  upon  his  ex- 
pedition, but  while  his  army  was  descendixig  the 
St.  Lawrence,  which  he  did  not  reach  until  the  5th 
of  November,  he  was  prostrated  by  illness. 

Hampton  put  in  no  appearance  and  the  enemy 
was  active  in  impeding  their  progress.  There 
was  no  pitched  battle  or  effective  blow,  but  on 
the  7th,  8th  and  9th  of  November,  while  the  army 
moved  down  the  St.  Lawrence  as  if  still  expect- 
ing to  meet  Hampton,  troops  were  often  landed 
to  repel  hostile  movements  and  on  the    ICth  the 


,11 


il:. 


!:  4 


i 


'^':' 


18 


I- 


Life  of  Eleazer  Wheelock  Ripley. 


ts 


^. 


troops  commanded  bj^  General  Boyd,  and  includ- 
ing Covington'B  brigade,  to  which  Ripley's  regi- 
ment belonged,  were  so  closely  pressed  at  Chryst- 
ler's  field,  near  Williamsburg,  as  to  be  compelled 
to  join  battle.  At  the  close,  both  sides  claimed 
the  victory. 

l^YiQ  British  historian  Christie,  pronounces 
this  action  the  "handsomest  engagement  during 
the  war"  from  the  professional  science  displaj^ed 
by  the  commanders. 

The  battle  was  hotly  contested  for  about  two 
hours,  when,  according  to  General  Boyd's  official 
report,  the  enemy,  having  been  driven  from  the 
field,  did  not  venture  to  renew  the  attack  the  next 
day,  but  permitted  the  army  to  pursue  its  way  un- 
molested. Gen.  Covington  was  mortally  wound- 
ed, while  the  American  loss  was  100  killed  and 
236  wounded.  The  British  claimed  a  less  loss  on 
their  side,  but  this  is  doubtful.  During  the  en- 
gagement, the  21st  regiment,  after  the  fall  of  Gen. 
Covington,  was  interposed  as  a  line  for  the  protec- 
tion of  the  artillery,  maintained  its  position  with 
unshaken  courage  and  obstinancy,  and  largely 
contributed  to  avert  defeat. 

The  tnoops  under  Boyd  were  sixteen  hundred, 
and  prisoners  represented  the  English  force  at 
two  thousand  one  hundred  and  seventy.  When 
Covington  fell,  the  comm.  .id  of  his  brigade  fell 
upon  Col.  Pearce  and  in  the  report  of  the  battle, 
Swartwout,  Gaines,  Ripley,  Morgan,  Grafton,  Wal- 
lack,  Beebee,     Chambers,    Johnson,    Cummings, 


L 


m 


T 


iiiTii>iiii»i»iiiii»iiMniintfn  NiimiMWW'WiWlBiiitirViMWTirim^^ 


.1,1 


d  includ- 
jy's  regl- 
it  Chrj'st- 
ompelled 
;  claimed 

•onounces 
»t  during^ 
iisplaj-^ed 

iboiit  two 
's  official 
from  the 
:  the  next 
s  way  un- 
y  wouiid- 
:illed  and 
IS  loss  on 
y  the  en- 
11  of  Gen. 
le  protec- 
tion with 
1  largely 

hundred, 
.  force  at 
\  When 
gade  fell 
le  battle, 
ton,  Wal- 
immings, 


MUitary  Life~1812~1815, 


19 


Worth  and  Whiting  are  mentioned  with  distinc- 
tion. ^ 

On  the  12th  of  November,  Wilkinson  received 
a  letter  from  Gen.  Hampton  refusing  to  co-oper- 
ate with  his  division  or  to  proceed  further  into 
Canada,  and  thereupon  with  the  unanimous  ad- 
vice of  a  Council  of  War,  Gen.  Wilkinson  aban- 
doned the  expedition  and  had  his  army  rem^oved 
to  French  Mills,  on  Salmon  River. 

And  thus  a  campaign  planned  upon  a  large 
scale,  from  which  great  results  were  anticipated, 
came  to  an  inglorious  close.  The  cause  which 
contributed  largely  to  this  result  was  the  absence 
of  harmony  among  those  who  should  have  merged 
jjrivate  feelings  in  co-patriotic  determination 
to  make  success  the  paramount  object,  and  which 
is  thus  indicated  by  Ingersol  in  his  history  of  the 
War:  "On  the  5th  of  September,  1813,  he  (Arm- 
strong) arrived  at  Sacketts  Harbor,  whence  he 
wrote  in  familiar  terms  to  Gen.  Wilkincoj,  that 
Gen.  Hampton  would  go  through  the  campaign 
cordially  and  vigorouslj^  but  resign  at  the  end  of 
it;  be  ready  to  move  by  the  20th  with  an  effective 
force  of  4,000  men  and  militia  detachment  of 
1,500.  On  the  supposition  that  Provost  had  taken 
post  and  chosen  his  champ  de  battaile,  I  had, 
adds  Armstrong,  ordered  Hampton  to  the  Isle 
Aux  Noix.  Wilkinson's  jealousy  of  Armstrong's 
authority  was  as  sensitive  as  Hampton's  of  Wil- 
kinson's. On  the  24th  of  August,  Wilkinson  wrote 
to  Armstrong:     I  trust  you  will  not  interfere  with 


;!  i 


20 


Life  of  Eleazer  Wheelock  Ripley, 


*a. 


n 


my  arrangmente,  or  give  orders  within  the  dis- 
trict of  my  command,  but  to  myself,  because  it 
would  impair  my  authority  and  distract  the  pub- 
lic 'service.  Two  heads  on  the  same  shoulders 
make  a  monster.  Unhappily  for  the  country,  that 
deplorable  campaign  was  a  monster  with  three 
heads,  biting  and  barking  at  each  other,  with  a 
madness  which  destroyed  them  all  and  disgraced 
the  country.  Discord  was  a  leprosy  in  the  very 
marrow  of  the  ^^nterprise,  worse  than  all  its  other 
calamities.  Arnistrong  was  on  good  terms  with 
both  Wilkinson  and  Hampton  till  it  failed,  but 
thenceforth  the  enmity  became  as  bitter  between 
him  and  both  of  them,  as  between  the  two  them- 
selves,"—Foi. /,  p.  i?i?5. 

The  campaign,  however,  had  tested  the  brav- 
ery of  individual  corps  and  their  officers. 

The  British  force  at  this  period,  in  the  two 
Canadas,  was  probably  inadequate,  if  vigorously 
and  skillfully  assailed,  for  the  defense  of  the  im- 
mense line  of  frontier  with  a  sparce  population, 
extending  from  Quebec  to  the  upper  lakes  and 
against  which,  at  any  point,  an  overwhelming  force 
could  be  readily  concentrated.  Unfortunately  the 
Secreta  t  of  War  was  deficient  in  the  energy  and 
promptitude  of  action  suited  to  the  crisis,  and 
while  absorbed  in  drawing  up  plans  of  campaigns 
and  embodying  the  military  precepts  of  Napoleon 
and  Frederick  the  Great,  in  prolific  epistles  to  the 
commanding  officers  he  was  either  destitute  of 
that  capacity  of  discriminating  character,  which 


the  dis- 
ecaiise  it 
the  pub- 
ihoulders 
ntry,  that 
ith  three 
:r,  with  a 
lisgraced 
the  very- 
its  other 
rms  with 
ailed,  but 
between 
wo  them- 

the  brav- 

1  the  two 
igorously 
f  the  im- 
jpulation, 
lakes  and 
ling  force 
lately  the 
lergy  and 
risis,  and 
ampaigns 
Napoleon 
les  to  the 
istitute  of 
er,  which 


MUitary  Life—lS  12-18 15. 


21 


would  enable  him  to  select  a  proper  commander 
in  chief,  or  from  partiality  could  overlook  the 
grossest  raiilitary  mis-conduct  and  palliate  and 
excuse  the  most  blundering  operations.  The 
American  force,  instead  of  being  combined  and 
striking  a  decisive  blow,  was  stationed  in  detached 
bodies  unable,  from-  their  remoteness,  to  sup- 
port each  other  in  the  event  of  an  attack,  and 
passinp^  the  season  in  idleness,  or  in  engagements 
unproductive  of  any  signal  results. 

If  the  inefficiency  of  the  campaign  arose  from 
the  incapacity  of  the  generals  or  a  spirit  of  rival- 
ship,  which  impelled  them  to  seek  individual  re- 
nown regardless  of  the  interests  of  the  countrj^, 
they  should  have  been  promptly  removed  and  the 
Secretary  of  War  should  thereby  have  given  an 
example  of  his  own  military  genius  that  would 
prove  that  he  had  studied  the  precepts  of  distin- 
guished soldiers  to  some  purpose.  Whatever 
m^ay  have  caused  the  inefficiencv  of  the  campaign 
its  conduct  was  severely  criticized  and  created 
general  dissatisfaction.  Armstrong,  Secretary  of 
War,  felt  the  necessity  of  a  bold  and  fortunate 
movement  to  arrest  the  public  censure,  and  for 
this  purpose,  determined  upon  a  winter  campaign 
which  was  subsequently  abandoned  in  conse- 
quence, as  he  says,  of  the  "blunders  of  Mc  Clure, 
the  crimes  of  Leonard  and  the  disobedience  of 
Wilkinson."* 

After  his  army  was  placed  in  winter  quarters, 

♦Armstro  ig's  notices  of  the  war  of  1812.     Vol,  2.  p.  64. 


ef 


yi 


22         Life  of  iSleazer  Ji'Tieelock  Ripley.  ■ . 

Wilkiiisoii  left  hi»  caiup  on  account  of  indisix>si- 
tion,  and  the  command  devolved  uix)n  the  Senior 
Brigadier  General,  Jacob  Brown,  of  New  York, 
who  wa.s  destined  to  play  a  conspicuous  part  in 
subsequent  millitary  operations.  Having  distin- 
guished himself  as  a  Brigadier  General  of  state 
militia  in  repelling  a  British  attack  ui>on  Sacketts 
Harbor,  May  29th,  1813,  he  was  soon  after  honored 
by  a  commission  of  the  same  grade  in  the  United 
States  ariii}^  and  served  with  ability  and  distinc- 
tion in  Wilkinson's  unfortunate  expedition.  On 
the  24th  of  January,  1814,  he  was  promoted  to  the 
rank  of  Major-General  and  placed  in  command 
of  the  military^  district  previously  commanded  by 
Wilkinson. 

In  the  latter  part  of  February',  such  informa- 
tion of  the  position  of  the  English  force  in  Canada 
\vas  received  at  Washington,  that  it  was  resolved 
to  commence  active  operations  immediately,  and 
to  capture  Kingston,  with  the  public  stores  of  the 
enemy,  which  were  deposited  there,  before  the 
British  Army  should  be  re-inforced,  which  was 
not  expected  until  Jvme.  Orders  were  consequent- 
ly issued  to  Gen.  Brown  and  simultaneously  an 
order,  intended  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy 
and  to  deceive  them,  was  issued  directing  the  cap- 
ture of  Fort  Niagara.* 

The  result  of  these  orders  is  thus  described 
by  the  Secretary  of  War.  "Unfortunately  circum- 
stances had  already  occured  to  ijrevent  a  complir 

♦Armstrong's  notices  of  the  war  of  1812.    Vol.  2,  p.  64. 


a! 


L 


Pi  I 


MUhnrj^  Life—im'^1815, 


:2'3 


r- 

idisjiosi- 
le  Senior 
w  York, 
I  part  ill   ■ 
ig  distin- 

of  state 
Sacketts 

honored 
le  United 
I  distinc- 
ion.  On 
:ed  to  the 
joinmand 
anded  by 

informa- 
n  Canada 
resolved 
lately,  and 
es  of  the 
efore   the 
hich  was 
nsequent- 
ously  an 
he  enemy 
5  the  cap- 
described 
y  circum- 
a  compli- 

2,  p.  64. 


ance  with  this  order.  In  the  opinion  of  the  mili- 
tary as  well  as  the  naval  commander  at  Sacketts 
Harbor,  the  force  assigned  to  the  service  (four 
thousand  men)  was  incompetent,  and  that  had 
this  been  otherwise,  the  doubtful  condition  of  the 
ice  on  thQ  lake,  would  of  it-^elf  be  sufficient  to  for- 
bid the  experiment.  This  opinion  being  decisive 
with  the  President,  no  new  or  additional  order 
was  given,  when  (to  the  surprise  of  all  having  any 
acquaintance  with  the  subject)  it  was  found 
that  the  two  commanders,  by  some  extraordinary 
mental  process,  had  arrived  at  the  same  conclu- 
sion— that  the  main  action  (an  attack  on  Kings* 
ton)  being  impracticable,  the  r*/se  (intended  mere- 
ly to  mask  it)  might  be  substituted  for  it— a  belief 
under  which  a  column  of  two  thousand  men  was 
actuallj' put  in  motion  for  the  Niagara.'* 

In  March,  1814,  a  concentration  of  troops  took 
place  at  Buffalo,  New  York,  and  went  into  a  camp 
of  instruction,  of  which  Gen.  Scott  draws  the  fol- 
lowing picture:  "Major  General  Brown,  appoint- 
ed to  command  the  entire  frontier  of  New  York, 
had  marched  some  days  earlier  from  tlie  French 
Mills  for  the  same  destination  with  the  9th,  11th, 
21st,  22d,  23d  and  25th  regiments  of  infantry  (not, 
one  of  them  half  xwW),  several  field  batteries  and 
a  troop  of  light  dragoons.  Scott  joined  him  some 
miles  east  of  Buffalo,  March  24th,  1814.  Brigadier 
General  Ripley,  Scott's  junior,  was  with  these 
troops.  The  major  general,  though  full  of  zeal 
and  vigor,  was  not  a  technical  soldier,  that  is, 
knew  but  little  of  organization,  tactics,  police,  etc. 


24  Life  of  I^Ioazcr  Wheelock  Ripley. 

He,  therefore.charged  Scott  with  the  establishment 
of  a  camp  of  instruction  at  Buffalo,  and  the  prep- 
aration of  the  army  for  the  field  by  the  opening 
of  the  season.  ,^  ^    ., 

The   spring,  in  the  region  of   Buffalo,  is,  till 
late  in  May,  inclement,  and  March   quite  wintry. 
No  time,  however,  was  lost;  the  camp  was  formed 
on  very  eligible  ground;  the  infantry  was  thrown 
into  first  and  second  brigades.     The  latter  under 
Ripley,  and  the  service  of  out-posts,  night  pat-ols, 
guards,  and  sentinels,  organized  a  system  of  sani- 
tary   police   including    kitchens,  etc.,   laid   down 
rules  of  civility,  etiquette,  courtesy— the  indispen- 
sable  outworks  of  subordination  prescribed  and 
enforced,  and  the  tactical  instruction  of  each  arm 
commenced.     Nothing  but  night  or  a  heavy  fall  of 
snow  or  rain  was  allowed  to  interrupt  these  exer- 
cises on  the  ground— to  the   extent,  in   tolerable 
weather,  of   ten  hours  a  day  for  three  months." 
After  such  thorough    military    instruction   these 
troops  were  well  prepared  for  an  active  summer 
campaign,  and  in  July  and  subsequent  to  the  time 
when  the  enemy  daily  expected  re-inforcements 
from  Europe,  Gen.  Brown  was  instructed  to  cross 
the  river,  "capture  Fort  Erie,  march  on  Chippewa, 
risk  a  combat,  menace  Fort  George,  and  if  assured 
of  the  awscendency  and  co-operation  of  the  fleet,  to 
seize  and  fortify  Burlington  Heights,"  etc. 

Having  been  promoted  in  the  preceding  April 
to  the  rank  of  Brigadier  General  he  (Ripley)  took 
leave  of  his  regiment  in  a  brief  and  handsome 


liahmcnt 
the  prep- 
;  opening 

lo,  iB,  till 
e  wintry. 
18  formed 
18  thrown 
ter  under 
Lt  pat-ols, 
n  of  sani- 
aid   down 
indispen- 
ribed  and 
each  arm 
avy  fall  of 
lese  exer- 
tolerable 
months." 
ion   these 
;  summer 
)  the  time 
)rcements 
d  to  cross 
Ilhippewa, 
if  assured 
le  fleet,  to 
c. 

ding  April 
pley)  took 
handsome 


Military  Life— 1812-1815. 


25 


address  to  which  a  committee  of  the  officers  made 
a  reply  accomoanied  by  the  presentation  of  a 
sword  as  a  testimonial  of  their  respect  and  es- 
teem.* Being  assigned  to  the  command  of  the 
second  brigade  which  embraced  the  21st  regi- 
ment, and  subsequently  a  company  of  the  17th, 
another  of  the  19th,  and  a  battalion  of  the  23u,  reg- 
iments, he  was  detached  with  the  first  brigade  un- 
der General  Scott  to  execute  the  meditated  inva- 
sion of  Canada.  Although  averse  to  the  move- 
ment, neither  the  ascendency  or  co-operation  of 
the  fleet  being  assured,  he  performed  the  duties 
assigned  him  with  signal  ability  and  courage. 

The  country,  which  was  to  become  the  object 
of  immediate  attack  and  the  scene  for  the  display 
of  American  bravery,  is  thus  described  by  an 
American  historian:  ''::--.■  ::''-^H;i;:;t::f::^'..  :    ;.; 

"The  romatic  peninsula  between  those  inland 
seas,  lakes  Ontario  and  Erie,  and  the  river  Niagara, 
whose  waters  unite  the  two  lakes,  was  the  theatre 
in  the  summer  of  1814,  of  an  isolated  and  sanguin- 
ary campaign,  as  striking  as  the  rugged  fea- 
tures of  that  wild  region.  The  river  running  about 
thirty-six  miles  from  one  lake  to  the  other,  consti- 
tutes the  national  boundary  between  rival  empires 
of  the  same  lineage,  language,  hardy  and  adven- 
turous spirit,  exaggerated  to  greater  boldness  in 
America  by  the  vaster  territories  inhabited, 
waters  navigated,  and  liberty  enjoyed.  Fort 
George  in  the  corner  between  Ontario  lake  and  the 

*Niles  Reg.  June  4,  1814.  <• 


rJ   1 


?i  i 


1 ' 


j(  - 


M?, 


T    t 


■'■:  i 


If,- 


26 


Life  of  Elonxor  Whoolock  Ripley. 


f 


river  Niajifara  011  the  British  .side,  standH  ()|)i)ositc 
to  Fort  Niagara  on  the  Ainericati,  wince  Decenil^er 
18 Hi,  ami  throujjjhont  the  war  forcibl}'  held  by 
the  Knjz;livsh,  inneh  to  the  divSg-raceof  iVmerica,  and 
in  Hi)ite  of  all  that  public  Kentinicnt  conld  do  to 
jroad  public  force  to  retake  it.  At  the  other  end 
of  the  peniiivSida,  the  British  Fort  IJrie  stands  oj)- 
posite  to  Buffalo,  where  the  river  Niagara  flows 
into  lake  Erie.  Black  Kock,  Willianistnirg,  Man- 
chester, are  villages  on  the  New  York  side;  New- 
ark and  Chippewa  on  the  Canadian,  their  Queens- 
town  right  op{)osite  to  our  Lewistown.  Midway 
between  the  two  lakes  the  river  Chippewa,  coming 
from  among  the  six  nations  and  other  tribes  of  the 
West  empties  into  the  river  Niagara  near  the  falls, 
opposite  to  the  American  town  of  Manchester. 
There  the  Niagara,  about  three  quarters  of  a  mile 
wide,  after  tumbling  over  rapids  for  near  a  mile, 
j)lunges  down  170  feet  of  the  most  stupendous 
cataract  of  the  world,  one  of  the  prodigious  linea- 
ments of  the  North  A^merican  Continent."* 

On  tli'^  morning  of  the  3d  of  July,  1814,  the 
two  brigades  left  camp,  and  crossing  the  strait 
from  Buffalo,  invested  Fort  Eri  which  sur- 
rendered after  slight  resistance.  Its  ;^-arrison  con- 
sisted of  130  men  under  the  comi\iand  of  Major 
Buck,  of  the  8th  infantry,  w^hile  a  large  British 
force  was  at  the  same  time  entrenched  at  Chippewa, 
otdy  a  few  miles  distant  under  Major  General  Riall. 
Brown   moved   ^^^oward  Chippewa   the   next   day. 

*Ingersol,  vol.  2.  p,  85.  '  ' 


a>i^i^ggg.^;^a5.ji;^;. 


()pi)()site 
k'ce  tuber 
held  by 
!rica,  and 
jld  do  to 
ther  end 
tandw  op- 
ara  flows 
rg,  Man- 
le;  New- 
■  Queens- 
Mid  way 
I,  eouiing 
jes  of  the 
the  falls, 
nchester. 
of  a  mile 
r  a  mile, 
tpendous 
us   linea- 

1814,  the 
the  strait 
iiieh  sur- 
•ison  con- 
of  Major 
e  British 
hippewa, 
;ral  Riall. 
lext   day. 


Mil  if  an '  Lifo—  ISt'J-lStS, 


27 


Scott's  brigade  was  in  the  advance,  constantly  an- 
noyed by  the  enetuy,  and  when  it  reached  the 
j)lain,  about  two  miles  wide  between  Sreet's  Creek 
and  the  Chii)pewa,  the  eneni}'  made  a  vijajorous 
attack  which  was  galhu'.tly  rej)elled  by  Chaplain 
Crocker  of  the  Dth  regiment.  Finding  the  eneui}' 
strongly  posted,  General  Scott  withdrew  his  bri- 
gade behind  Street's  Creek,  where  he  encamped, 
and  where  he  was  joined  about  midnight  by  Gen. 
Ih-own  and  the  2d  Brigade  and  artillery,  and  the 
next  forenoon  General  Porter  arrived  with  about 
three  hundred  volunteers  and  some  three  or  four 
hundred  Indians.  "     '.     '  r  ■ 

Karly  on  the  morning  of  the  fifth,  the  Ameri- 
ean  pickets  were  assaidted  by  those  of  the  British 
and  to  repel  these,after  having  refreshed  his  troops, 
Porter  was  directed  to  proceed  through  the  wood 
which  skirted  the  plain  on  his  left,  and  after  driv- 
ing in  the  enemy's  picket  to  fall  back  so  as  to 
entice  the  Brittsh  to  follow  within  reach  of  our 
main  body.  Gen.  Porter  proceeded  to  execute 
this  order  with  great  gallantry',  when  he  was  sud- 
denly confronted  by  the  advance  of  the  whole  Bri- 
ish  armj',  1700  men;  unable  to  make  a  stand  against 
this  overwhelming  force  he  fell  back.  Kiall  had 
left  his  entrenchments,  and  crossing  the  Chippewa 
with  his  left  resting  on  the  Niagara  river,  advanc- 
ed read}'  for  battl«j.  The  continual  firing  between 
Porters  force  and  the  enemy's  together  with  the 
clond  of  dust  that  rose  in  the  distance,  api)rised 
Brown   of    the     enem^^'s    purpose,   and   he   took 


i ; 


:f 


'h 


'ii; 


»'.  ■ 


I 


i  1 


't 


^I 


'•t  ! 

tfli'T 


■5Brr 


•"-'*'«5*?i 


28  Life  ofEIeazer  Wheelock  Ripley. 


I '  promp*  measures  to  meet  him.     When  this   pur- 

'(*  pose  was  discovered,   Scott,  whose   brigade   was 

>f.'  just  forming  under  arms  for  exercise,  was  order- 

ly* ed  to  cross  the   bridge   over  Street's  creek   and 

fi }  meet  the  eneniy.     Towson's  battery  rendered  im- 

portant aid  to  this  movement  by  being  promptly 
placed  in  position  in  the  plain  near  the  bridge 
over  Street's  creek,  and,  by  his  well  directed  and 
animated  fire,  annoying  che  enemy's  line.  About 
five  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  the  engagement  be- 
»!  came  general,  and  both  sides  fought  with  desper- 

?|  ate  courage  and  a  fixed  determination  to  conquer, 

I  the  British  infantry  being  supported  by  a  battery 

I''  of  twenty  pounders  and  howitzers,  and  the  Amer- 

i'  ican  by  a   battery  with  guns  of  inferior  caliber 

and  numbers.    The  brunt  of  the  battle   was  main- 
tained with   equal   obstinancy  by  Scott's  brigade, 
I  Towson's    artillery   and  by   Porter's   volunteers, 

wLo,  recovering  from  their  first  onset,  returned 
with  gallantry  to  the  combat.  When  the  battle 
had  raged  for  about  an  hour,  a  movement  of  Scott 
accompanied  by  an  opportune  discharge  of  Tow- 
son's battery  spread  consternation  and  dismay 
through  the  British  ranks,  and  after  a  fearful  loss 
on  both  sides,  the  enemy  hastily  retreated  across 
the  Chippewa  to  the  protection  of  their  entrench- 
ments. The  British  loss  in  killed  and  wounded 
was  placed  by  the  British  Annual  Register  at 
one-third  of  the  Englishmen  engaged.* 

The  second  brigade  under  Riple;«  ,in  the  mean- 


*Ingersol,  vol.  i,  p.  91. 


m 


._i-^...t^iila|^ilMi^<!4^1l^ia:vMe-CKIH«ilidS 


irirriirffiw-hiirM 


lis   pur- 
ide   was 
isorder- 
;ek   and 
;red  im- 
romptly 
:  bridge 
ted  and 
About 
lent  be- 
deeper- 
ionquer, 
battery 
i  Amer- 
caliber 
as  main- 
brigade, 
unteers, 
•eturned 
e   battle 
of  Scott 
of   Tow- 
dismay 
rful  loss 
d  across 
ntrench- 
vounded 
rister  at 

le  mean- 


•         S  Military  Life— 1812-1815.    ;V 

time,  had  advanced  with  the  view  of  getting  in 
the  rear  of  the  enemy's  right  flank,  and  Peterson, 
in  his  history  of  the  wars  of  the  United  States, 
ond'in  the  biography  of  Brown,  says:  "While  the 
brigade  of  Scott  had  been  achieving  the  victory, 
that  of  Ripley  had  not  been  inactive.  Brown  had 
no  sooner  left  Scott  than  he  plaed  himself  at  the 
head  of  these  battalions  and  advanced  with  them 
on  the  left,  behind  the  woods,  hoping  to  gain  the 
rear  of  the  enemy's  right  flank.  But  the  almost  in- 
stantaneous success  of  Scott,  the  foe  was  in  full  re- 
treat before  this  could  be  effected:  The  whole  of 
the  American  army,  now  uniting,  however,  advanc- 
ed with  loud  cheers,  the  bands  playing  in  triumph. 
It  is  said  to  have  been  a  magnificent  spectacle." 

After  the  enemy  had  secured  the  shelter  of 
their  entrenchments  and  not  considering  himself 
in  a  condition  to  m^ake  an  immedate  attack,  Gen. 
Brown  marched  his  army  back  to  the  position 
which  they  occupied  in  the  morning.  On  the  8th 
he  resumed  operations,  when  the  British  General 
became  alarmed,  abandoned  his  entrenchments, 
and  throwing  a  part  of  his  force  into  Fort  George, 
retreated  twelve  miles  further  up  the  lake  to 
Twenty  Mile  Creek  where  he  decided  to  make  a 
stand. 

After  following  him  to  Queenstown  and  find- 
ing that  he  had  retreated  from  that  place,  Brown 
abandoned  the  pursuit  and  determined  to  march 
against  and  capture  Fort  George.  After  a  delay 
of  several  daj'^s,  the  march  was  commenced,  but 


t 


30 


Life  of  Bleazer  Wheelock  Ripley 


a, 


on  arriving  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Fort,  ascertain; 
ing  its  capabilitj^  of  defense,  and  that  no  co-opera- 
tion could  be  expected  from  Chaunce3"'s  fleet  in  a 
movement  against  Kingston,  Brown  commenced, 
on  the  22d,  a  retrograde  march  to  the  Chippewa. 

On  the  18th  Brown  had  written  Chauncey,  in 
command  of  the  fleet  on  lake  Ontario:  "For  God's 
sake,  let  me  see  you.  All  accounts  agi-ee  that  the 
force  of  the  enemj^  at  Kingston  is  very  light.  I 
do  not  doubt  my  ability  to  meet  them  in  the  field 
and  march  in  any  direction  over  their  country, 
your  fleet  carrying  for  me  the  necessary 
supplies.  We  can  threaten  Forts  George  and 
Niagara,  carry  BurlingtoifsHeights  and  York 
and  proceed  direct*  to  Kingston  and  carry  that 
plpce  We  have  between  us  sufficient  means  to 
conquer  upper  Canada  in  two  months,  if  there  is 
prompt  and  zealous  co-operation,  before  the 
enemy  can  be  greatly  re-infored. 

Perhaps  not  considering  his  ascendencj^  in 
the  Lake  secured,  and  not  indulging  in  Brown's 
sanguine  expectation,  Commodore  Chauncey  de- 
clined the  service  desired  of  him,  replying  that 
while  the  navy  "might  be  somewhat  of  a  conven- 
ience" he  confessed,  in  the  transportation  of  pro- 
visions and  stores  for  the  army,  yet  the  Secretary 
of  the  Navy  had  given  him  the  higher  destiny 
to  seek  and  fight  the  enemy's  fleet." 

As  Brown's  army  after  having  fought  with 
brilliant  success,  one  of  the  most  sanguinarj^  and 
most  hotly  contested  battles  that  had  ever  occurred 


'*ii-, — -^ 


ascertain- 

co-opera- 

fleet  in  a 

iiineiiced, 

lippewa. 

luncey,  in 
For  God's 
'.e  that  the 
r  light.  I 
I  the  field 
r  country, 
necessi.iy 
orge  aad 
ind  York 
:arry  that 
means  to 
[f  there  is 
)efore  the 

ndenc}'  in 
u  Brown's 
uncey  de- 
lying  that 
a  conven- 
on  of  pro- 
Secretary 
2r  destiny 

ught  with 
linarj'^  and 
r occurred 


Military  Life— 1812-1815. 


9t 


upon  this  Continent  known  indiscriminately  in  his- 
tory as  the  battle  of  Lundy's  Lane,  Niagara  or 
Bridgewater,  was  within  four  weeks  after  the  in- 
vasion of  Canada,  confined  within  the  walls  of 
Fort  Erie  by  a  greatly  superior  force,  and  only 
saved  from  capture  by  Herculean  efforts  and  un- 
daunted bravery  during  a  sie^e  of  fifty  days,  it  is 
evident  that  Brown  greatly  under  estimated  the 
st-enjr:.^^  and  resources  of  the  enemy.  .  Relying 
he  vv  .i'v  ,'  upon  the  accuracy  of  his  information,  im- 
patient to  sustain  and  advance  the  interests  of  his 
country,  anxious  to  justify  the  expectation  of  Jiis 
coiuitrymen,  that  his  invasion  of  Canada  had  been 
wisely  planned  and  bravely  and  successfully  ex- 
ecuted, he  was  profoundly  disappointed  and 
chagrined  at  the  condition  of  affairs,  when  an  im- 
mediate forward  movement  became  impracticable. 

Says  Ingersol:  "On  the  twenty-second  of  Jtdy, 
when  Brown  relinquished  the  last  hope  of  prompt 
naval  co-operation,  his  predicament  became  pre- 
carious. Bu'  .  ,  clved  not  to  abandon  the  enter- 
prise begun, . )  ;  ne  to  the  heroic,  if  not  desperate, 
determinatiOL  6  ^incumber  his  army  of  baggage 
and  push  forwi^^ »'  to  Burlington  Heights  at  all 
events.  To  mask  the  movement,  and  also  re- 
plenish his  provisions  from  stores  at  Schlosser, 
the  army  was  led  back  to  Chippewa  on  the  24th 
of  July,  whose  classic  grounds  and  proud  recollec- 
tions soon  elicited  the  memorable  achievements 
of  one  of  ti'^  most  obstinate  and  sanguinary,  alto- 
gether ext  i'ordinary  battles  by  night." 


32 


Life  ofEleazer  Wheelock  Riplejr- 


-/'■•i* 


Brown,  however,  was  not  alone  in  the  belief 
of  the  feasibility  of  a  march  to  the  Heights,  for  in 
extracts  from  his  diary,  published  in  Ir^^ersol's 
History,  in  1849,  he  says:  The  army  fell  back  to 
the  Chippewa  on  the  24th.  General  Scott,  ever 
ambitious  to  distinguish  himself  and  his  com- 
mand, was  solicitous  to  be  allowed  to  march 
for  Burlington  Heij,  i*  ^^'ith  the  first  brigade;  and 
expressed  his  wish  to  effect,   on  the  morning 

of  the  27th.  On  the  moming  of  the  25th,  he  made 
the  request  in  form,  and  was  so  tenacious  on  the 
subject,  that  he  appeared  quite  vexed  that  the 
Commanding  General  would  not  divide  his  forces. 
Scott  honestly  belived,  that  with  the  troops  he 
asked,  he  would  cover  himself  with  additional 
glory  and  add  to  the  fame  of  the  army."  ^^ 

Brown  on  his  arrival  at  Chippewa  was  wholly 
unapprised  that  Riall  had  closely  followed  him 
and  that  reinforcements  were  being  rapidly 
hastened  up  to  him  by  Gen.  Drummond,  his  supe- 
rior officer,  who  arrived  on  the  ground  after  the 
commencement  of  the  battle  the  next  day.  The 
British  intended  to  attack  at  day-break  on  the 
morning  of  the  "Sth,  and  on  the  morning  of  the 
25th  they  already  largely  outumbered  the  Ameri- 
cans. Brown  was  resting  in  the  utmost  security 
with  not  the  remotest  idea  of  an  impending  bat- 
tle, and  when  this  commenced  more  than  three 
hundred  of  his  troops  where  detailed  for  washing 
and  other  camp  service  and  did  not  participate  in 
the  engagement  of  the  25th.  About  noon  of  this 
day  Gen.  Brown  was  startled  into  action  by  infor- 


i^ti. 


the  belief 
ts,  for  in 
r^^ersors 
11  back  to 
cott,  ever 
his  com- 
o  march 
^ade; and 

morning 
,  he  made 
8   on  the 

that  the 
lis  forces, 
troops  he 
idditional 

18  wholly 
)wed  him 
<;  rapidly 
his  sv.pe- 

after  the 
lay.  The 
k  on  the 
ng  of  the 
le  Ameri- 
t  security 
ding  bat- 
han  three 

washing 
icipate  in 
3n  of  this 
by  infor- 


Military  Life— 1812-1815. 


33 


mation  of  the  arrival  of  General  DrummonJ  at 
Queenstown  with  reinforcements  and  of  an  expe- 
dition toward  Schlossor,  the  depot  of  American 
supplies. 

This  information  it  would  seem  from  the 
following  extract  from  Scott's  autobiography  was 
unfounded,  for  he  says:  '"It  turned  out,notonly  not 
a  man  had  been  thrown  over  the  river,  but  that  the 
night  before  Lieutenant  General  Sir  George 
Drummond  had  arrived  by  the  lake  with  a  heavy 
reinforcement,  and  had  pushed  forward  his  bat- 
talion (sixteen  miles)  as  they  successively  land- 
ed. One  was  ahead,  in  line  of  battle  and  the  others 
were  coming  up  by  forced  marches. 

The  aches  in  broken  bones  feelingly  remind 
the  autobiographer  of  the  scene  he  is  describing, 
and  after  the  lapse  of  nearly  fifty  years  he  cannot 
suppress  his  indignation  at  the  blundering  stupid 
report  made  by  the  militia  colonel  to  his  confiding 
friend.  Major  General  Brown."  .' 

Major  Leavenwor+h,  chief  officer  of  the  day, 
had  reported,  early  in  the  morning  of  the  25th,  that, 
with  a  glass,  he  had  seen  a  troop  of  horse  and  two 
companies  of  infantry,  believed  to  be  the  British 
advance  about  two  miles  distant,  near  Wilson's 
Tavern,in  the  vicinity  of  the  Falls  of  Niagara.  Still 
thinking  that  no  attack  upon  himself  was  intended 
but  only  a  movement  on  the  other  side  of  the  river 
against  his  supplies  and  without  sending  out  anj^ 
re-connoitering  party  to  ascertain  what  the  demon- 
stration reported  in  the  morning,  by  the  officer  of 


Mf*^ 


ill 


111 


1 1 


ill 

I 


^j^s^sss^is- 


34 


Life  of  Eleazer  IVheelock  Ripley. 


the  day,  meant,  he  decided  to  make  a  demonstra-. 
tion  that  would  induce  the  enemy  to  abondon  hid 
BUppOvsed  advance  upon  Schlosser.  For  this  pui:- 
pose.  General  Scott  was  ordered  to  march  toward 
Queenstown  with  the  first  brigade,  Towson's  com- 
pany of  artillery,  Harris'  troop  and  some  volunteer 
cavalry  in  all  a  small  force  probably  not  far  from 
80()  men.  After  an  advance  of  about  three  miles, 
Scott  unexpectedly  found  himself  in  the  presence 
of  the  British  army  in  greatly  stiperior  force  and 
occupying  a  strong  and  admirably  selected  position. 
When  ordered  to  move,  General  Brown  says,  "Scott 
was  particularly  instructed  to  report  the  appaar- 
ance  of  the  enemy,  and  to  call  for  assistance  if  that 
were  necesary.  Having  the  command  of  the  dra- 
goons, he  would  have,  it  wasconsidered,the  means 
of  collecting  and  communicating  intelligence. 

On  General  Scott's  arrival  near  the  Falls,  he 
learned  that  the  enemy's  forces  were  directly  in 
his  front,  a  narrow  piece  of  wood  alone  intercepting 
his  view  of  them.  Waiting  only  to  dispatch  this 
information,  but  not  to  receive  any  communication 
in  return,  the  general  advanced  upon  them." 

During  the  day  the  British  army  had  been  re- 
enforced  by  eight  hundred  men  under  General 
Drummond  and  after  the  engagement  commenced 
twelve  hundred  more  arrived  under  Colonel  Scott.. 
Undeterred  by  the  display  of  forces  or  ignorant  of 
it,  General  Scott  immediatly  detached  Colonel  Jes- 
sup  with  the  25th  regiment  to  cover  his  right  and 
pushing  through  the  narrow  strip  of  wood,  which 


1 


SJ^'  ,,,V:, 

rnonstra-. 
>ndon  hid 
this  pui:- 
h  toward 
jn's  coni- 
rolunteer 
far  from 
ee  miles, 
presence 
force  and 
I  position. 
ys,  "Scott 
e  appsar- 
ice  if  that 
f  the  dra- 
he  means 
ence, 

Falls,  he 
irectly  in 
ercepting 
)atch  this 
lunication 
tn." 

1  been  re- 
r  General 
mmenced 
)nel  Scott., 
^norant  of 
)lonel  Jes- 
right  and 
od,  which 


Militury  Life— 1812-1815. 


35 


concealed  the  enemy  from  his  view,  with  the  9th, 
11th  and  22d  regiments.these  soon  became  exposed 
to  an  annihilating  fire  from  a  battery,  which  was 
placed  upon  an  eminence,stipported  by  infantry,se- 
cure  from  any  material  annoyance  from  the  Ameri- 
can artillery.  The  battle  raged  fiercely, the  English 
battery  was  making  terrible  inroads  upon  his 
troops,  but  vScott  with  his  2nd  brigade  mantained 
the  unequal  conflict  with  unshrinking  courage  un- 
til the  arrival  of  other  troops  upon  the  field,  when 
the  battery  was  carried,  the  enemy  driven  from 
their  position  and  after  the  mOvSt  sanguinary  and 
hardest  fought  battle  of  the  war  the  American 
army  was  victorious.  vie.     . 

The  conspicious  part  performed  by  General 
Ripley  in  the  battle  of  JLundy's  Lane  was  fully 
brought  out  by  the  testimony  before  the  Court  of 
Inquiry  subsequently  instituted  at  his  own  request. 
This  court  convened  at  Troy,  New  York,  in  March 
1815,  and  had  proceeded  only  in  part  through  the 
testimony  of  one  witness,  when  the  Court  was  dis- 
solved by  an  order  which  expreseed  the  mcst 
flattering  opinion  of  his  military  conduct. 

The    following  is  the  testimony   referred  to 

and  the  order  dissolving  the  court: 

"William  McDonald,  Captain  in  the  19th 
Regiment  of  U.  S.  Infantry,  being  produced  and 
swcrn  as  a  witness  of  Gen.  Ripley — testified:  That 
in  the  campaign  of  1814,  before  and  during  the 
battle  of  Bridgewater  near  Niagara,he  was  acting 
aid  to  Brigadier  General  Ripley.  On  the  morning 
of  the  25th  of  July,  the  army  under  the  command 


I 


I  f 


1  n, 

■  i 


■f^-K 


•afffap:'. 


Wf-"-: 


86 


Life  of  Eleazer  Wheelock  Ripley. 


m 


m 


of  Major  General  Brown,  was  encamped  on  the 
upper  side  of  Chippewa  Creek,  matiy  of  the  men 
were  that  day  engaged  in  washing  and  about  half 
an  lu)ur  before  suuvset  were  still  out  when  a  firing 
was  heard,  which  they  in  camp,  ascribed  to  Gen. 
Scott's  being  engaged  with  the  enemy,  as  he  had 
marched  out  with  his  brigade  about  two  hours  be- 
fore. 

When  Gen.  vScott  first  marched  out,  it  was  the 
general  impression  that  he  had  done  so  for  the 
purpose  of  parade  and  drill;  our  army  at  this  time 
consisted  of  two  brigades  of  regular  troops,  com- 
manded bv  Brigadier  Generals  Scott  and  Ripley, 
and  a  small  corps  of  500  or  600  volunteers  under 
General  Porter.  The  total  of  General  Ripley's 
brigade  may  have  amounted  to  about  900:  the 
effectives  from  700  to  800.  The  day  before  at 
Queenstown  Heights,  he  recollected  hearing  Gen. 
vScott  say  that  his  brigade  contained  about  the 
same  number,  perhaps  rather  less. 

About  the  16th  of  July,  they  had  intelligence 
that  Gen.  Riall  of  the  British  army,  lay  at  ten  and 
twelve  mile  creek,  with  1,500  men;  according  to 
the  general  impression,  he  had  a  fortified  encamp- 
ment; to  the  best  of  his  knowledge,  no  precise 
information  was  received  of  the  force  and  position 
of  the  enemy  between  the  16th  and  25th  of  July. 
On  the  day  last  mentioned,  the  proportion  of  those 
who  formed  the  washing  parties  and  scattered 
men  of  the  camp  amounted  in  the  second  brigade 
alone  to  150  or  200  men;  there  were  parties  from 
the  other,  but  he  could  not  state  the  number. 

When  Gen.  Scott  moved  out  in  the  afternoon, 
no  idea  was  entertained  that  there  would  be  an 
action,  nor  had  they  any  knowledge  of  the  vicinity 
of  the  enemy;  the  first  information  they  had  was 


:d  on  the 
the  men 
ibout  half 
in  a  firing 
d  to  Gen. 
as  he  had 
hours  be- 

t  was  the 
so  for  the 

this  time 

ops,  com- 

id  Ripley, 

ers  under 

Ripley's 

90():  the 
before  at 
iring  Gen. 
about  the 

telligence 
at  ten  and 
ording  to 
1  encamp- 
lo  precise 
d  position 
th  of  July, 
m  of  those 
scattered 
id  brigade 
rties  from 
nber. 

afternoon, 
j.ld  be  an 
le  vicinity 
y  had  was 


Military  Life— 1812-1815. 


37 


from  the  firing.  In  the  order  of  the  encampment 
the  first  brigade  under  Gen.  Scott  rested  on  the 
Chippewa;  the  second  commanded  by  General 
Ripley,  about  200  yards,  distant,  with  their  front 
to  the  Niagara,  and  at  right  angles  to  the  first;  the 
encampment  embraced  the  angle  formed  by  the 
Niagara  and  Chippewa,  which  at  that  place  form- 
ed a  junction.  V  ,c 

Across  the  Chippewa  v/as  a  bridge  on  which 
General  Scott  had  passed  and  advanced  two  miles^ 
when  the  firing  of  musketry  commenced;  immedi- 
ately on  hearing  it.  General  Ripley  ordered  his 
brigade  to  be  formed;  by  the  time  this  was  effected^ 
the  report  of  artillery  was  distinguished ;  soon  after 
orders  were  received  from  Major  General  Brown, 
chrough  some  of  his  staff.for  the  second  brigade  tg 
advance  and  reinforce  General  Scott.  Gen.  Rip- 
ley, immediately  on  receiving  the  order,  marched 
with  his  brigade  across  the  Chippewa,  and  when 
about  half  a  mile  in  the  rear  of  the  scene  of  action, 
it  being  then  near  dusk,  dispatched  the  witness  in 
advance  to  Major  General  Brown  to  ascertain  the 
situation  of  the  enemy,  and  what  point  he  should 
march  to  and  form  his  brigade.  • 

The  witness,  on  his  way  to  General  Brown.met 
his  aid,  Capt.  Spencer  proceeding  with  orders  to 
General  Ripley,  to  form  his  brigade  in  the  skirts  of 
a  wood  on  the  right  of  Gen.  vScott's.  The  brigade 
accordingly  continued  to  advance,  apd  was  in  the 
act  of  forming  the  line,  when  Gen.  Ripley  remark- 
ed to  Col.  Miller  and  other  commanders  that,  to 
form  a  line  in  that  place  would  be  of  no  conse- 
quence, as  they  could  not  advance  in  line  through 
the  woods,  and  they  were  not  then  in  striking  dis- 
tance of  the  enemy — he  added,  that  he  would  take 
upon  himself  the  responsibility  of  moving  farther 
on  towards  the  enemy,  before  he  formed;  the  wit- 


i  I 


r 


i 


in 


s 
-I 


38 


Life  of  Eleazer  Wheelock  Ripley. 


neas  left  the  brigade  for  a  few  minuteft  to  appri8<fe 
Gen.  Brown  of  this  movement,  but  did  not  find 
him,  and  immediately  rejoined  Gen.  Kipley. 

The  march  from  the  encampment  to  the  scene 
of  action  was  prompt  and  rapid,  and  the  brigade 
for  one  half  ot  the  distance  was  on  a  long  trot  to 
keep  with  the  General's  horse — while  passing  the 
woods  in  pursuance  of  Gen.  Ripley's  determina- 
tion to  advance,  the  fire  of  the  enemy  was  very 
heavy,  and  their  shot  and  shells  fell  about  us  in 
great  quantities,  but  was  more  particularly  direct- 
ed at  Gen.  Scott's  brigade  on  the  left,  while  the 
second  was  in  the  act  of  passing;  the  impression 
was,  that  the  first  brigade  was  at  this  time  suffer- 
ing very  severely  from  the  continued  and  destruc- 
tive fire  poured  in  upon  them,  and  Gen.  Ripley  in 
consequence  remarked  to  the  witness  and  Col. 
Miller,  that  he  would  detach  the  2l8t  Regiment, 
commanded  by  the  latter  to  carry  the  enemy's 
artillery,  adding  that  unless  this  was  done,  they 
would  destroy  our  whole  force,  or  compel  us  to 
fall  back;  it  was  then  completely  dark,  and  though 
it  was  known  their  artillery  was  posted  on  an  em- 
inence, we  had  no  knowledge  of  their  number  or 
how  they  were  supported.  The  distance  of  Gen. 
Scott's  line  from  the  enemy,  must  have  been  be- 
tween three  and  four  hundred  yards  at  that  time, 
and  there  was  then  no  firing  of  musketry  from  it. 
After  Gen.  Ripley's  suggestion  to  Col.  Miller,  the 
latter  immediately  made  dispositions  to  execute 
it — displayed  his  regiment  by  forming  a  line  on 
the  left  of  the  road  nearly  fronting  the  eoemy's 
artillery;  Gen.  Ripley,  at  the  same  time  he  gave 
the  order  for  the  2l8t  to  storm  the  battery  by  an 
attack  in  front,  directed  the  23d  to  form  in  column 
and  march  against  the  enemy's  flank;  about  the 
time  the  21st  w  as  preparing  to  move  as  directed, 


'^'■•i-i^i^'' .i'>*;ikmi*:iS:d0^i^:   , 


'/^S^^¥^^^£^^-' 


)  appris<& 
not  find 
ey. 

the  scene 
;  brigade 
ng  trot  to 
tssing  the 
^termina- 
vvas  verj' 
out  us  in 
[y  direct- 
yv'hile  the 
iprefision 
ne  suffer- 
l  destruc- 
Ripley  in 

and  Col. 
Jegiment, 

enemy's 
lone,  they 
pel  us  to 
id  though 
3n  an  em- 
umber  or 
e  of  Gen. 

been  be- 
that  time, 
y  from  it. 
liller,  the 
o  execute 

a  line  on 
enemy's 
i  he  gave 
»ry  by  an 
n  column 
about  the 

directed, 


"•c-sfi^ai^sgai'. 


MilHary  Life— 1812-1815, 


39 


the  witness  met  Gen.  Brown,  who  enquired  for 
Gen.  Hipley,  and  asked  what  dispositions  he  had 
made;  the  witness  informed  him;  he  approved  of 
it,  appeared  quite  elated  with  the  intelligence  and 
accompanied  him  to  Gen.  Kipley;  some  conversa- 
tion took  place  between  them,  and  in  a  very  few 
minutes  both  battalions  were  in  motion;  the  2l8t 
commanded  by  Col.  Miller,  the  23d  by  Major  Mc- 
Farland,  but  led  by  Gen.  Kipley  in  person.  While 
the  23d  was  advancing  to  operate  against  the 
enemy's  flank,  and  about  150  yards  distance  from 
the  height,  they  received  a  lire  in  front  from  per- 
haps fifty  or  sixty  muaketrj^  which  threw  them 
into  confusion  for  a  few  minutes,  and  caused  them 
to  fall  back  about  fifty  or  sixty  yards;  the  regi- 
ment however  speedily  recovered  and  formed  in- 
to column,  sooner  than  he  has  ever  known  one 
formed  for  parade — though  perhaps  not  with 
equal  accuracy.  Some  difficulty  occured  in  form- 
ing the  platoons,  in  consequence  of  their  having 
been  broken,  but  their  numbers  were  guessed  at, 
and  wheeled  into  column  with  a  view  to  dispatch 
and  facilitate  the  movement;  the  whole  was  ac- 
complished under  the  particular  direction  and 
immediate  agency  of  Brigadier  General  Ripley; 
his  exertions  to  effect  it  were  very  great,  and  no 
one  could  be  more  active  than  he  was.  The  whole 
interval  from  the  moment  the  fire  was  received  in 
front,  until  the  actual  re-organization  of  the  col- 
umn in  readiness  to  advance,  did  not  exceed  live 
minutes;  they  then  marched  directly  and  deployed 
upon  the  enemy's  flank.  ^ 

While  this  was  performing  Col.  Miller'  ad- 
vanced pursuant  to  his  orders  against  the  front, 
and  succeeded  in  carrying  the  enemy's  battery, 
consisting  of  seven  pieces  of  artillery,  to  wit,  two 
brass  twenty-fours  and  smaller  ones;  having  pass- 


JL 


.m 


ii 


...    t     f 


■  ■■  l^V  ■ 

^■4 


I 


■  ■  SI?  - 


t.  1 

I  '; 

i  I 
? 


-Tfr      t-"*  •.*-^»*J»**- 


_^J!W!^^'*y 


i 


T 


40 


Li'fo  of  Elemcr  Wheclock  Ri'pfcr. 


t'd  the  poHitioti  where  the  artillery  had  been  phuit- 
etl,  Col.  Miller  nj^ain  fortned  hiw  Jine  faein^  the 
enemy,  and  engaged  with  them  within  twenty 
I)aces  diHtance;  there  appeared  a  perfeet  Hheet  of 
tire  between  the  two  lineH;  while  the  2lHt  wan  in 
this  situation,  the  23d  attaeked  the  enemy'w  tlank 
and  ailvanced  witliin  twenty  paeeH  of  it  before  the 
first  volley  was  diseharged;  a  measure  adopted  by 
command  of  Gen.  Kipley,  that  the  fire  might  be 
effectual  and  more  completely  destructive;  the 
movement  compelled  the  enemy's  flank  to  fall 
back  immediately  by  descending  the  hill  out  of 
sight,  ui)on  which  the  tiring  ceased.  Prior  to  the 
firing  of  the  2'Si\,  the  enemy  were  closing  in  upon 
Col.  Miller's  command,  which  at)peared  to  be  hard 
pressed,  and  as  he  conceived  was  recoiling;  the 
force  opposed  amounted  to  double  his  number; 
but  by  the  prompt  aid  of  the  2;kl,  the  heights 
w^ere  gained  and  cleared  of  the  enemy.  After  this 
was  achieved  the  21st  and  2od  formed  in  line  by 
order  and  under  direction  of  Gen.  Kipley,  leaving 
the  batteries  which  had  been  carried  in  the  rear; 
while  thus  circumstanced,  a  detacment  of  the  1st 
Regiment,  which  consisted  of  from  100  to  200  men, 
and  had  remained  in  the  rear,  joined  them  on  the 
heights,  and  was  by  Gen.  Ripley  forined  into  the 
line.  He  coidd  not  say  what  had  detained  the 
above  detachment  so  long  from  the  scene  of  ac- 
tion. 

Shortley  after  the  line  was  formed,  General 
Riplc}'  sent  him  to  ask  Gen.  Brown  whether  the 
captured  artillery  should  not  be  moved  off  the  field 
toward  Chippewa.  The  witness  met  Gen.  Brown 
ascending  the  hill,  and  delivered  his  message. 
The  latter  replied  there  were  matters  of  more 
importance  to  attend  to  at  that  moment,  and  he 
would  see  Gen.  Ripley.     He  appeared  highly  elat- 


I 


IMM 


^"^^jyWWWW^ 


r- 

en  plant- 
iicinj?  the 
11  twenty 
t  Hheet  of 
9t  wiiB  in 
y's  tlank 
lefore  the 
[opted  by 
might  be 
live;  the 
ik  to  fall 
ill  out  of 
ior  to  the 
g  in  upon 

0  be  hard 
iling;  the 
>,  number; 
e  heights 
After  this 
u  line  by 
y,  leaving 

the  rear; 
of  the  Ist 
3  200  men, 
!m  on  the 

1  into  the 
ained  the 
me  of  ac- 

l,  General 
hether  the 
ff  the  field 
en.  Brown 
message. 
i  of  more 
int,  and  he 
ighly  elat- 


Military  Life— 1812-1815. 


41 


ed  and  rode  with  Gen.  Ripley,  but  the  witness  did 
not  hear  the  conversation  which  passed.  The 
heights  thus  gained  was  a  very  commanding  posi- 
tion, and  contained  all  the  enemy's  artillery,  capa- 
ble of  cntilading  in  every  direction.  While  the 
second  brigade  thus  occupied  the  heights,  General 
Scott's  brigade  was  about  three  hundred  yards  dis- 
tant and  no  enemy  between  them.  The  firing 
from  it  had  by  this  time  nearly  ceased. 

After  General  Brown's  interview  with  General 
Kipley,  he  left  the  hill,  as  the  witness  understood, 
in  search  of  Gen.  Scott.  The  25th  regiment  then 
joined  the  second  brigade,  was  formed  on  the  right 
nearly  at  right  angles  to  the  23d  regiment,  its  left 
resting  on  Towson's  artillerj',  and  disposed  so  as 
to  tlank  the  enemy  in  case  they  attacked. 

The  artillery  under  command  of  Major  Hind- 
r  nd  Captain  Towson  had  come  up  but  a  few 

moments  before,  in  consequence  of  General  Rip- 
ley's request  communicated  by  the  witness  to  Ma- 
jor Hindman  and  complied  with  by  him. 

While  Gen.  Ripley's  line  was  thus  formed  on 
the  eminence,  the  enemy  advanced  upon  it  in  con- 
siderable force — outflanking  its  right  and  left,  and 
far  exceeded  it  in  numbers.  On  finding  them  ap- 
proaching. Gen.  Ripley  ordered  the  brigade  to  re- 
serve its  fire  until  the  enemy's  should  touch  in  pre- 
ference to  firing  first.  This  was  done  with  a  view 
to  observe  the  flash  of  their  muskets,  and  to  take 
aim  by  the  assistance  of  their  light.  The  order 
was  obeyed;  the  enemy  advanced  within  ten  or 
twelve  yards  of  our  right,  composed  of  the  23d 
regiment.  After  receiving  their  fire,  we  returned 
it;  the  action  then  became  general,  a  tremendous 
conflict  ensued  fOr  about  twenty  minutes;  at  the 
expiration  of  which  the  enemy  gave  way,  and  again 
fell  back  out  of  sight.     We  having  much  the  ad- 


'I' 


I'l' 


■iti  ■  I 


,S''!''- 


!^lf. 


-[(%■ 


,'( 


r   ' 


42 


Life  of  Eleazcr  Wheelock  Ripley. 


vantage  of  the  ground,  the  enemy  generally  fired 
over  our  heads,  but  the  continual  blaze  of  light 
was  such  as  to  enable  us  distinctly  to  see  their  but- 
tons. An  interval  of  half  an  hour  followed  when 
the  eneni}'-  advanced  a  second  time,  nearly  in  the 
same  manner,  attacked  precisely  in  the  same  point 
but  did  not  approach  so  near,  before  the  firing  com- 
mence. Our  left  had  by  this  time  been  thrown 
forward  by  order  of  Gen.  Ripley,  and  the  line 
formed  nearly  parallel  with  the  addition  of 
General  Porter's  volunteers  on  the  left  and  Gen. 
Scott  with  the  three  remaining  batts lions  on  the 
right,  but  the  latter  were  so  situated  as  not  to  be 
engaged.  The  contest  was  more  severe,  and  he 
thinks  longer  continued  than  the  last.  The  same 
precautions  were  enjoined  by  Gen.  Ripley,  with 
respect  to  his  men  reserving  their  fire,  and  the  re- 
ception of  the  enemy  was  equally  warm.  Some 
part  of  our  right  and  left  gave  way;  but  our  centre 
composed  of  the  21st  regiment,  stood  firm,  with 
the  exception  of  some  platoons,  which  also  fell 
back;  the  enemy  were  repulsed,  and  retired  again 
from  the  contest.  Gen.  Ripley,  in  person,  rallied 
the  detachments  which  gave  way  on  the  right  and 
succeeded  in  bringing  them  back  into  action 
before  the  retreat  of  the  enemy.  An  interval,  not 
to  exceed  three  quarters  of  an  hour,  ensued, 
during  which  all  was  darkness  and  silence,  scarce 
interrupted  by  a  breath  of  air.  The  men  had 
neither  water  nor  whiskey  to  refresh  themselves, 
after  the  fatigues  they  had  endured. 

The  Court  adjourned  to  Wednesday,  March  15, 
1815,  11  o'clock,  a.m. 

Troy,  March  15,  1815. 

The  court  commenced   pursuant  to  adjourn- 
ment—the same  members  present. 

The  examination  of  Captain  McDonald  being 


1 1 


lly  fired 
of  light 
eir  but- 
;d  when 
y  in  the 
le  point 
ig  eoni-> 
thrown 
he  line 
tion  of 
nd  Gen. 
i  on  the 
ot  to  be 
and  he 
le  same 
2y,  with 
I  the  re- 
i.  Some 
r  centre 
m.  with 
ilso  fell 
2d  again 
,  rallied 
ght  and 
3  action 
■val,  not 
ensued, 
!,  scarce 
len  had 
nselves, 

larch  15, 

1815. 
adjourn- 

Id  being 


Mrntary  Lift^— 1812- 1815. 


43 


resumed — he  stated,  that  at  the  expiration  of  the 
interval  last  mentioned,  the  enemy  advanced  a 
third  time  to  recover  their  artillery.  It  was  our 
impression  that  they  had  been  reinforced,  and  this 
was  confirmed  by  prisoners  who  were  taken  at  the 
time.  The  advance  of  the  enemy  was  similar  to 
the  two  preceding  ones,  and  the  fire  was  again 
opened  by  their  line.  Gen.  Ripley's  brigade  re- 
served their  fire  as  before.  The  duration  and 
order  of  the  conflict — its  result  and  retreat  of  the 
enemy,  were  in  all  essential  points  similar  to  the 
last.        ■    ••■        -^.t:-       -  ,,v.;/.  ^',    .'•    -    ^  ■ .  ,  ^'     ,- 

In  every  attack  the  enemy  were  repelled. 
Gen.  Ripley  made  every  possibe  exertion  to  in- 
spire and  encourage  his  troops;  exposed  his  per- 
son during  the  hottest,  of  the  fire  of  the  enemy; 
and  as  he  considered  more .  than  was  necessary. 
The  witness  several  times  endeavored  to  prevail 
upon  him  to  retire,  but  without  effect.  His  per- 
severence  was  unremitted.  Sometimes  acting  as 
f  .•  closer  as  well  as  commander.  He  gave  his 
orders  with  perfect  coolness  and  deliberation,  and 
attended  as  far  as  possible  to  its  proper  execution. 
The  witness  never  knew-  -him  more  collected. 
Gen.  Ripley's  position  was  never  more  than  ten  or 
twelve  paces  in  the  rear  of  his  line.  He  received 
two  balls  in  his  hat,  and  his  horse  was  -^  -^ounded 
during  the  several  encounters.  He,  Lieu.  Col. 
Nicholas,  and  the  witness,  were  the  only  mounted 
officers  of  the  brigade. 

After  the  last  attack,  ■  the  second  brigade  for 
three-fourths,  or  one-half  an  hour,  remained  on 
the  hill  with  very  little  change  of  position,  its  left 
was  perhaps  tl^  )wn  back.  L.i  the  interim,  Gen. 
Ripley  dispatched  the  witness  with  orders  to  Gen. 
Porter  to  send  fifty  or  one  hundred  volunteers  un- 
der his  command,  directing  them  to  report  to  Col. 


,r  tH>, 


i 


i.>... 


44 


Life  of  Bleazer  Wheelock  ttipley. 


lir 


fe- 


McRae,  and  remove  the  captured  artillery  from 
the  heights  to  the  camp  on  tht  Chippewa.  He 
delivered  the  orders,  saw  the  volunteers  detached 
and  marched  on  the  hill.  Owing  io  there  being 
no  drag  ropes  for  the  artillery,  no  horses  on  the 
gro;md,  and  the  guns  being  unlirnbered,  it  wa» 
found  impracticable  to  remove  them,  and  the  vol- 
unteers were  then  employed  in  removing  the 
wounded.  Prior  to  the  attempt  to  remove  the 
captured  pieces,  he  saw  no  artillery  corps  on  the 
ground,they  having  retired  in  consequence  of  their 
ammunition  being  expended  and  some  of  their 
caissons  blown  up  by  the  enemy's  rockets  and 

ghellS.    •       ■      •■  ...-•;>'.-:'i^'.  :■  'S:-^:;ii' 

On  the  return  of  the  witness,  after  commu- 
nicating the  preceding  order  to  Gen.  Porter,  pre- 
parations were  made  for  the  second  brigade  to 
retire  agreeable  to  order  from  Gen.  Brown,  as 
General  Ripley  at  the  time  informed  him.  He 
also  stated  that  Gens.  Brown  and  Scott  were  both 
wounded  and  had  left  the  field.  Our  army 
accordingly  retired  unmolested  and  it  was  his 
impression  at  the  time  that  the  whole  column 
did  not  exceed  700  v/hen  the  retrograde  .  move- 
ment was  made.  It  was  understood  that  vast 
numbers  w^ere  employed  in  carrying  off  the 
wounded.  Others  had  given  out  for  the  want  of 
water. 

When  the  second  brigade  marched  to  the 
field  of  battle,  they  met  a  considerable  number 
of  the  first  brigade  returning  to  camp,  some 
slightly  wounded  and  others  carried  off  by  those 
who  were  uninjured.  Many  wounded  were  l^ft  on 
the  ground  after  the  battle,  they  being  scattered 
over  a  considerable  extent  and  the  night  dark,  it 
was  impossible  to  find  them.  He  does  not  think  any 
wounded  of  Brigadier  Gen.  Ripley's  brigade  was 


'■jj . 


IT. 


Military  Life--1812-1815. 


45 


ery  from 
;wa.  He 
detached 
re  being 
8  on  the 
d,  it  was 
I  the  vol- 
ving  the 
tiove  the 
»8  on  the 
e  of  their 
of  their 
kets  and 

commu- 
rter,  pre- 
•igade  to 
3rown,  as 
lim.  He 
vere  both 
ur    army 

was  his 
;  column 
le  .  move- 
;hat  vast 
r  off  the 
i  want  of 

id  to  the 
;  number 
ip,  some 
by  those 
ere  l^ft  on 
scattered 
lit  dark,  it 
think  any 
igade  was 


left,  unless  some  who  attempted  to  get  off  without 
assistance  and  failed. 

When  Gen.  Ripley  gave  tlie  order  for  the 
army  to  retire,  he  directed  the  several  command- 
ers of  battalions  to  collect  all  the  wounded,  and  in 
the  interval  before  retiring,  he  used  every  exertion 
to  have  this  order  properly  executed. 

While  the  army  was  moving  back,  and  after- 
wards, he  knows  of  no  other  measures  being  taken 
to  furnish  horses,  supply  drag  ropes  and  bring 
off  the  artillery  which  remained  on  the  heights, 
with  the  exception  of  the  smaller  ones,  which 
had  been  rolled  down  the  hill. 

After  12  o'clock  at  night  the  army  regained 
their  camp.  The  witness  added  that  the  pickets 
and  washing  parties  were  not  brought  up,  nor  at 
all  engaged  during  the  action.  Shortly*  after  the 
return  to  camp,  about  one  o'  clock,  Maj.  Gen. 
Brown  directed  Brigadier  Gen.  Ripley. 

The  general  order  dissolving  the  court  which 
follows,  was  at  this  period  of  investigation  receiv- 
ed by  the  President  and  no  further  testimony  wat> 
heard. 

I  certify  that  the  forgoing  is  a  true  jpy  of 
the  minutes  and  proceedings  of  the  court  of 
Enquiry  of  which  Major  General  H.  Dearbon  was 
President,  so  far  as  the  court  proceeded  in  the 
investigation  of  the  subject  matter  enjoined  by  the 
general  order  constituting  said  court. 

(Signed)  EVERT  A.  BANKER, 

Judge  Advocate. 

General  Order, 

Adjutant  and  Ins.  General's  Office, 

4th  March,  1815. 

The     Court     of    Enquiry    of    which    Major 

General  Dearbon  is  President,  which  was  ordered 

to  investigate  the  conduct  of    Brigadier  General 


\  » 

;  ! 


«' 


? 


S.I 


\ 


.^;fr 


T 


ik';-' 


•46         Life  of  Eleazer  Wheelock  Ripley,       v 

Ripley  during  the  last  campaign  is  discharged 
from  the  service. 

The  congress  of  the  United  States  having  ap- 
prove his  conduct  by  a  h:;rhly  complimentary  re- 
solve, and  the  President  being  pleased  to  express 
his  favorable  opinion  of  the  military  character  of 
Gen.  Ripley,  he  will  honorably  resume  his  com- 
mand.       By  orderi 

(Signed)      .      .  ^i  D.PARKER, 

•  A.  and  I.  General. 

Ad  giving  the  salient  points  of  the  memorable 
battle  of  Lundy's  Lane,  we  give  the  following  ex- 
tracts from  Ingersol's  History  of  the  War  of  1812:* 

"When  the  conflict  began,  the  British  could 
not  have  been  less  than  from  two  thousand  to 
twenty-five  hundred  strong*  Their  seven  pieces 
of  artillery  were  posted  on  the  summit  of  a  hill, 
supported  by  a  heavy  line  of  infantry,  flanked  by 
cavalry.  Scott's  advance  was  lead  by  Captain 
Harris  with  his  dragoons,  and  Captain  Pentland's 
company  of  the  22d  regiment,  both  officers  much 
distinguished  throughout  the  action,  towards  the 
end  of  which  Pentland  lost  a  leg,  was  left  on  the 
ground  and  taken  prisoner^  Between  .Wil8on'>8 
tavern  and  Lundy's  Lane,  near  the  village  of 
Bridgewater,  the  British  artillerj'-  opened  upon 
Scott,  who  formed  and  reversed  his  column,  falter- 
ing under  its  destructive  severity.  As  it  must  be 
some  time  before  Ripley's  brigade  and  Porter's 
could  come  to  Scott's  aid,  he  detached  Major  Jes- 
sup  with  the  25th,  to  seek  and  engage  the  British 
left,  while  the  General  attacked  their  right.  The 
other  three  regiments  were  moved  beyond  the  ad- 

*C.  J.  Ingersol  was  a  member  of  Congress  from  Pennsylva- 
nia from  1813  to  1815,  and  from  1841  to  1844,  and  occupied  a 
prominent  position  during  the  war  in  the  republican  party 


II  WitiinmiMiiniiriix 


ischarged 

aving  ap- 
entary  re- 
;o  express 
aracter  of 
his  com- 

fKER, 
I.  General. 

lemorable 

owing  ex- 

r  of  1812:* 

tieh  could 
lousand  to 
-^en  pieces 
t  of  a  bill, 
flanked  by 
y  Captain 
Pentland'e 
cers  much 
)ward8  the 
left  on  the 
1  .Wil8on'>8 
village  of 
ined  upon 
imn,  falter- 
it  must  be 
id  Porter's 
Major  Jes- 
the  British 
ight.  The 
Dnd  the  ad- 

m  Pennsylva- 
d  occupied  a 
in  party 


Military  Life— 1812-1815. 


m 


vanced  companies,  and  statioped  where,  as  well 
as  during  the  change  of  position,  their  exposure 
and  losses  were  so  severe,  that  both  McNeil  and 
Brady,  witli  many,  if  not  most  of  the  other  of- 
cers,  were  disabled  by  wounds,  and  their 
regiments  so  much  demolished  as  to  be  con- 
fused, some  retreating,  their  ammunition,  too, 
at  last  falling  short.  Towson's  inimitable  battery 
on  the  right,  by  incessant  reverberations  of  the 
most  exciting  martial  music,  encouraged  the  col- 
umn, but  the  British  guns  were  so  high  that  his 
shot  passed  over  them,  while  their's  plunged 
down  with  deadly  aim,  and  for  some  time  Towson 
ceasea  firing,  as  useless.  The  action  begun  to-* 
wards  evening;  for  more  than  an  hour  it  was 
maintained  by  the  first  brigade  alone,  notwith- 
standing great  disadvantages  to  contend  against, 
with  tiic  Iv/ss  of  half  their  force;  Jessup's  detach-, 
ment,  meanwhile,  whose  loss  in  killed  and  wound-' 
ed  was  in  proportion  to  the  other  regiments, 
never  faltering  in  its  singular  episode,  till  the  en- 
emy on  the  right  were  routed.  By  musketry,  at 
a  hundred  yards,  at  first,  and  then  the  bayonet, 
the  British  left  was  put  to  flight  by  Jessup,  who 
thereupon  seized  a  n  id,  which  he  discovered,  to 
turn  their  flank,  and  with  that  advantage  routed 
still  more  of  them.  Scott,  with  enthusiastic  and 
matchless  bravery,  prosecuted  his  onset,  a  per-, 
sonal  example  to  all,  if  of  extravagant,  yet  sustain-^ 
ed  and  invincible  ardor.  It  was  Jessup's  good 
fortune,  the  common  effect  of  good  conduct,  to 
capture  General  Riall  retiring  wounded,  together 
with  Captain  Loring,  aid-de-camp  of  Gen.  Drum- 
mond,  several  other  officers  and  altogether  one 
hundred  and  sixty-nine  prisoners — as  many  as 
were  left  unhurt,  of  his  own  command.  Drum- 
mond's  dispatch  confessed  that  on  his  arrival  he 
found  Riall's  advance  in  full  retreat,  and  when  his 


ii 

It  ■ 


48         Life  of  Eleazer  Wbeelock  Ripley. 


m 


VJ\. 


own  formation  was  completed,  the  whole  front 
was  warmly  and  closely  engaged,  the  principal 
American  efforts  directed  against  the  British  left 
and  center;  after  repeated  attacks,  those  on  the 
left  forced  back,  and  the  Americans  gaining  tem- 
porary possession  of  the  road."  *  * 

"As  soon  as  Ripley  heard  Scott's  firing,  he 
formed  his  brigade.  General  Brown,  whose  aid 
Captain  Austin,  had  been  to  inquire  what  firing  it 
was,  ordered  Ripley's  and  Porter's  brigades  to 
the  field,  and  his  aid  to  tell  Ripley  where  to  take 
his  station.  Brown  then  with  the  engineer,  Ma- 
jor McRae,  hastened  forward.  Ripley  and  Porter 
lost  no  time,  the  men  moving  forward  as  rapidly 
as  possible  ovei  the  bridge  and  a  distance  of 
nearly  three  miles  to  the  field  of  battle.  It  was 
night  when  they  formed  for  action.  The  formid- 
able annoyance  of  nine  heavy  cannon,  Drummond 
having  added  two  to  Riall's  seven  in  battery  on 
the  top  of  a  hill,  at  once  suggested  the  obvious 
expediency  if  not  absolute  necessity,  of  over- 
coming so  fatal  a  hinderance  to  any  chance  of  suc- 
cess. It  remains  a  matter  of  question  whether 
Brown,  Ripley,  or  McRae  was  first  to  declare  that 
the  battery  on  that  hill  must  be  stt  rmed  and 
taken.  General  Armstrong  awards  the  honor  to 
the  engineer,  Major  McRae.  The  regiments  of 
the  second  bs-igade  were  the  21st,  Colonel  James 
Miller,  the  23d,  Major  McFarland,  detachments  of 
the  17th  and  19th,  with  Captain  Ritchie,  of  Major 
Hindman's  battalion  of  artillery,  preceded  by 
Captain  Biddle's  artillery.  The  first  regiment, 
Lieutenant  Colonel  Nicholas,  was  not  attached  to 
either  brigade.  General  Ripley  forthwith  ordered 
the  attack:  Colonel  Miller  with  the  21  st  regiment, 
to  storm  the  park;  Major  McFarland  with  the 
23d    regiment   to    take  it  in  flank,   and  Colonel 


or- 
iole front 
principal 
ritish  left 
Be  on  the 
ningtem-  • 
« 

firing,  he 
vhose   aid 
at  firing  it 
-igades  to 
•e  to  take 
neer,  Ma- 
md  Porter 
as  rapidly 
istance  of 
e.     It  was 
tie  f ormid- 
rummond 
battery  on 
e  obvious 
,   of   over- 
nce  of  suc- 
n  whether 
eclare  that 
rmed  and 
e  honor  to 
^iments  of 
»nel  James 
chments  of 
i,  of  Major 
eceded  by 
regiment, 
attached  to 
ith  ordered 
t  regiment, 
d  with  the 
ad  Colonel 


MUitaiy  Life— 1812-1815. 


49 


Nicholas  to  keep  the  musketry  employed.  After 
a  few  rounds,  the  men  of  the  latter  regiment 
recoiled  and  fell  back  in  confusion.  Major  McFar- 
land  was  killed,  and  the  23d  regiment  also  faltered 
and  retreated.  But  Ripley  soon  restored  them  to 
good  order  and  in  person  led  them  up  the  ascent, 
where  they  displayed  in  a  few  minutes  as  intend- 
ed. Miller,  meanwhile  unsupported  by  either  the 
Ist  or  23d  regiment  nevertheless  moved  steadily 
upwards  with  unflinching  intrepidity,  drove  the 
British  from  their  guns  at  the  point  of  the  bay- 
onet, took  their  whole  park,  and  then  forming  his 
line  within  twenty  paces  of  the  retiring  but  hardly 
retreating  foe,  at  least  twice  his  number,  a  perfect 
sheet  of  fire,  at  half  pistol  shot  distance,  signalized 
the  desperate  efforts  of  the  victorious  to  retain, 
of  the  partially  vanquished  to  regain  the  great 
armament  and  trophy,  the  palladium  and  key  of  the 
contest.  During  this  struggle  of  seme  continuance 
the  23d  regiment,  gallantly  led  by  Gen.  Ripley 
marched  upon  the  flank,  by  his  order  reserving 
their  fire  till  within  twenty  paces,  then  poured  it 
forth  with  such  effect,  that  superadded  to  Miller's 
the  British  were  driven  down  the.  hill,  leaving 
Ripley  with  the  two  regiments,  in  undisputed  pos- 
session of  the  artillery  and  the  eminence.  In  the 
darkness  of  the  night  during  that  extraordinary 
conflict,  the  British  General  Drulttmond  in  his 
offical  report  said,  "in  so  determined  a  manner 
were  the  American  attacks  directed  against  our 
guns  that  our  artillerj'^men  were  bayoneted  by 
them  in  the  very  act  of  loading,  and  the  muzzles 
of  the  American  guns  were  advanced  within  a 
few  yards  of  ours."        *  ♦  *  * 

"The  British  driven  down  that  hill  leaving 
their  killed  and  wounded  with  their  guns  in  charge 
of  the  conquerors,  took   shelter  and  counsel  about 


■-f"7m^'«6»mr^ 


''^SSlSW-r- 


T 


50  Life  of  Eleaxer  UTieelock  Riptey. 

two  hundred  3'ards  from  and  underneath  it;  where 
shrouded  in  profound  darkness  and  discomfiture, 
they  reorganized  for  another  effort.  Soon  after- 
wards some  two  hundred  of  the  first  regiment 
found  their  w^ay  up  the  hill  whither  also  Major 
Hindman  repaired  with  Captian  Towson  and 
Ritchie  with  their  guns;  and  for  a  short  time,  Gen- 
eral Brown  was  much  elated  with  the  triumph 
which  he  hojjed  would  be  conclusive."  * 

"The toil  and  tug  of  war,  however,  were  only 
begun.when  they  seemed  to  be  over.  When  Ripley 
with  his  7(K)  and  Porter  with  his  5(X)  men  went  to 
Scott's  relief,  reduced  less  than  <^,  as  his  brigade 
was  broken  into  fragments,  Drummond  was  stim- 
ulated as  well  as  strengthened  for  further  efforts  by 
the  continual  arrivals  of  fresh  troops;  the  British 
Annual  Register  confesses  1200,under  Col.Scott,re- 
ceived  during  the  action.  Moved  by  every  feeling 
of  soldierly  and  national  pride,  dut}'^,  and  propriety, 
he  was  resolved  to  recapture  the  lost  guns  and 
restore  the  adverse  fortune  of  the  night  excited 
by  national  even  continental  or  hemispheric  rival- 

"  After  about  half  an  hours  absence  from  their 
place  of  retreat  under  the  hill,  being  reorganized 
and  reinforced,  they  were  heard  again  moving  up 
the  ascent.  Ripley  closing  his  ranks,  forbade  all 
firing  till  the-ftiashes  of  the  British  musketry  en- 
abled the  Americans  to  aim  unerringly — for  that 
pufpose  to  reserve  fire  till  they  felt  the  very 
push  of  the  bayonet.  Still  superior  far  in  number, 
the  British  marched  on  again  and  after  one  dis- 
charge from  the  Americans  as  directed,  many 
more  rounds  were  exchanged  between  the  com- 
batants for  some  twenty  minutes  in  close  and 
furious  battle.  Never  good  marksmen,  however, 
and  with  the  disadvantage  of  standing  lower,  the 


r. 

t;  where 
•mfiture, 
on  after- 
eginient 
^o  Major 
son  and 
tne,  Gen- 
triumph 
* 

rere  only 
n  Ripley 
went  to 
brigade 
k^as  stim- 
sfforts  by 
2  British 
.Scott,re- 
y  feeling- 
ropriety, 
;nns  and 
t  excited 
ric  rival- 

•om  their 
trganized 
ovipg  up 
rbade  all 
ketry  en- 
— for  that 
the  very 
I  number, 
r  one  dis- 
jd,  many 
the  com- 
:lo8e  and 
however, 
ower,  the 


miitary  Life— 1812-1815. 


51 


British  now  fired  over  the  Americans,  whose 
plunging  shots  were  more  effective,  and  the  Brit- 
ish  again  forced  to  give  way,  retreated  down  the 
hill  to  their  hiding  place."  « 

"As  the  regiment  under  Colonel  Nicholas, 
conducted  by  Major  Wood,  was  taking  position. 
General  Brown  repeated  to  Colonel  Miller  that  he 
was  to  charge  and  take  the  battery  with  the  bayo- 
net, to  which  he  good  humoredly  answered.  It 
shall  be  done  sir." 

"After  the  enemy's  repulse,  when  attempt- 
ing to  retake  the  cannon.  Brown  and  Scott  meeting 
directed  Leavenworth  to  take  command  of  the 
battalion  consolidated  from  the  three  regiments 
of  infantry,  which  were  formed  in  Lundy's  Lane. 
The  1st,  21st,  and  2od  regiments  were  now  on  the 
hill,  and  Major  Hindman,  Captain  Towson  -and 
Ritchie,  with  their  guns  on  the  summit  near  the 
church.  The  19th,llth,and.22d  consolidated,  were 
on  Lundy's  lane  in  proximity  with  Captain  Bid- 
die's  company  of  artillery.  The  25th,  with  Major 
Jessup,  had  returned  and  joined  Leavenworth's 
battalion.  Porter's  volunteers  gallantly  led  by  him 
were  with  Ripley,  and  always  among  the  foremost 
in  the  hottest  fire,  several  of  them  killed,  wounded 
and  taken  prisoners.  After  their  victory  they 
were  appropriately  employed  in  escorting  the 
British  prisoners  to  their  place  of  confinemeftt 
in  New  York."  ♦  ♦  ♦  ♦  ♦ 

"  Several  subsequent  attempts  were  made  by 
the  English  to  retake  the  hill,  each  as  desperate 
as  the  preceding,  but  equally  ineffectual,  when  at 
last,  dispairingof  success  they  abandoned  the  field 
so  hotly  and  fiercely  contested  till  past  midnight. 
By  their  official  report  of  the  battle  they  admitted 
a  loss  of  eight  hundred  and  seventy  eight,  in  kill- 
ed, wounded  and   missing.     The  American   loss 


4 


i  i 


^ 


.-^,,r:g^.j,.,y,f^,^^^,^,^mT^ff,^r?^ 


PiS 


5» 


Life  of  ^leazer  Wbeelock  Ripley, 


was  seven  hundred  and  forty-three.  Every  gen- 
eral in  both  armies  was  wounded  except  Kipley, 
who  had  several  shots  in  his  hat.  Wh"  •  the  vic- 
tory was  considered  complete,  Brown  issued 
orders  for  a  return  to  camp,  and  having  as  well  as 
8cott,  been  woimded,  he  devolved  the  command 
upon  Ripley,  and  was  immediately  convej^ed  to 
camp  himself.  Of  the  condition  of  the  army  at 
this  period  and  of  the  return  to  camp,  Ingersol 
says:  "All  that  remained  of  the  first  brigade,  af- 
ter that  terrible  conflict,  did  not  exceed  two  hun- 
dred and  twenty  men;  the  ninth,  eleventh  and  the 
twenty-second  regiments  consolidated  under  Ma- 
jor Leavenworth,  not  altogether  one  hundred. 
Many  of  the  cartridges  with  which  the  American's 
fired,  when  attacked  on  the  hill,  were  taken  from 
the  cartridge  boxes  of  the  English  lying  dead 
around  them.  Men  and  officers,  after  five  hours 
constant  fighting  were  completely  exhausted,  and 
many  almost  fainting  with  thirst.  There  was  no 
water  nearer  than  the  Chippewa.  Before  they 
marched,  however,  from  the  hill,  the  wounded 
were  carefully  removed,  and  the  return  to  the 
camp  behind  the  Chippewa  was  slowly  in  perfect 
order,  entirely  undisturbed  by  the  enemy.  Seven- 
ty-six officers  were  killed  or  wounded  and  six 
hundred  and  twenty-nine  rank  and  file,  of  whom 
the  first  brigade  lost  thirty-eight  officers  and  four 
hundred  and  sixty-eight  rank  and  file.  The  com- 
mander of  the  brigade  and  every  regimental  of- 
ficer were  wounded."  •  *  * 

"No  battle  in  America,  before  or  since,  was 
ever  so  severely  contested,  or  attended  with  casu- 
alties in  proportion  to  numbers."  * 

The  failure  to   remove  the   captured  cannon 
♦Ingersolin  1849. 


ery  geu- 
t  Kipley, 
the  vic- 
ti    issued 
IS  well  a» 
;oniniand 
iveyed  to 
army  at 
Ingersol 
igade.  af- 
two  hun- 
h  and  the 
nder  Ma- 
hundred. 
tnerican'» 
iken  from 
ing  dead 
ive  hours 
isted,  and 
re  was  no 
Fore   they 
wounded 
-n   to   the 
in  perfect 
y.   Seven- 
i   and  six 
of  whom 
3  and  four 
The  com- 
nental  of- 


■iince,  was 
with  casu- 

;d  cannon 


.  ',  ir 


Military  Life— 1812-1815. 


53 


and  the  return  of  the  retreating  enemy  to  tlie  bat- 
tie  field,  upon  learning  tliat  the  Americtui  army 
had  returned  to  camp,  caused  the  British  cokh* 
mandcr  to  bivouac  upon  the  battle  field  and  claim 
the  victory.  The  conduct  of  General  Ripley  be- 
came the  subject  of  severe  criticism  and  censure, 
and,  without  inquiring  into  the  motives  of  the 
misrepresentations  which  were  heaped  upon  his 
head  by  some  of  his  countrymen,  it  is  evident  by 
a  comparison  of  the  preceding  evidence  of  Capt. 
McDonald  with  subsequent  disclosures  of  Scott 
and  Brown  that  the  latter.without  just  cause,  look- 
ed with  disfavor  upon  his  conduct,and  contributed 
to  detract  from  the  credit  which  was  his  due.  In 
his  memoirs,  disagreeing  with  McDonald  as  to 
the  number  of  charges  made  by  the  enemy  and 
making  an  undeserved  thrust  at  Ripley,  Scott 
says  that  in  the  second  advance  he  (Scott)  was 
prostrated  "by  an  ounce  musket  ball  through  the 
left  shoulder  joint"  that  "unable  to  hold  up  his 
head  from  the  loss  of  blood  and  anguish,  he  was 
taken  in  an  ambulance  to  the  camp  across  the 
Chippewa,  where  the  wound  was  staunched  and 
dressed. 

"On  leaving  the  field  he  did  not  know  that  Ma- 
jor General  Brown,  also  wounded,  had  preceded 
him.  By  seniority  the  command  of  the  y^rmy 
now  devolved  upon  Brigadier  General  Ripley.  It 
must  then  have  been  about  midnight.  Ripley 
from  some  unknown  cause,  became  alarmed  and 
determined  in  spite  of  dissuasion,  to  abandon  the 
field,  trophies  and  all.     The  principal  officers  dis- 


t 


V-'   "r 

••;  I .  i'' 


♦ft  'ii  i' 

m 

III 


1 


fiffiti 


I 


EiJJ 


'Mi 

if 


Kl 


m 

ill- 


5-/ 


Life  of  f^fffiZor  M'hootock  Riplvy. 


patched  a  messetijaner  to  bring-  1)30^  Scott,  but 
found  him  utterly  jiroHtratc.  Toward  day  some 
frag^nients  of  the  euemy,  seeking  the  tnain  body, 
crossed  the  quiet  field,  and  learning  from  the 
wounded  that  the  AniericanB  had  flown,  hawtened 
to  overtake  Lieutenant  (^neral  Sir  Gordon  Drnm- 
tnond  lx!-low,  who  returned,  bivomickod  on  the 
field,  and  claimed  the  victory." 

In  connection  with  the  battle,  Scott  also  makes 
this  extraordinary  statement.  Yi^  gays  that  dur- 
ing- the  advance  of  the  enemy  up,  on?  occasion, 
"leaving  his  brigade  on  the  right  in  line,  he  form- 
ed a  small  column  of  some  two  hundred  and  fifty 
men,  and  at  its  head,  advanced  rapidly  to  pierce 
the  advancing  enemys  line,  then  to  turn  to  the 
right  and  envelop  his  extreme  left.  If  pierced 
in  the  dark,  there  seemed  no  doubt  the  whole 
would  turn  back,  and  so  it  turned  out.  Scott  ex- 
plained his  intentions  and  forcibly  cautioned  his 
own  brigade  and  Ripley's  on  his  left,  not  to  fire 
upon  the  little  column;  but  the  instant  the  latter 
came  in  conflict  with  and  broke  the  enemy  Kip- 
ley's  men  opened  fire  upon  its  rear  and  left  flank 
and  caused  it  to  break  without  securing  a  pris- 
oner." 

With  regard  to  this  daring,  if  not  quixottic 
movement.  General  Brown  says  in  his  diary,  that 
urged  by  General  Ripley  to  order  up  General 
Scott  who  had  been  held  in  reserve  with  three  bat- 
talions— he  rode  in  person  to  General  Scott  and 
ordered  him  to  advance,  that  the  enemy  was  again 


'r^tifc-,- 


"idutaiiiv' 


ivr. 


Mintarx  Life— 1812-1815. 


93 


Scott,  but 
day  some 
iiain  body, 
from  the. 
1,  haHtened 
[ion  Drum- 
cd  on  the 

also  makes 
B  that  dur- 
?  occasion , 
e,  he  form- 
id  and  fifty 
y  to  pierce 
urn  to  the 
If  pierced 
the  whole 
Scott  ex- 
utioned  his 
not  to  fire 
t  the  latter 
enemy  Rip- 
d  left  flank 
ing   a   pris- 

)t  quixottic 
8  diary,  that 
lip  General 
th  three  bat- 
al  Scott  and 
ly  was  again 


repulsed  by  the  whole  line.and  driven  out  of  sighl 
;md  adds,  "but  a  short  time  had  elapsed  when  he 
was  seen  once  more  advancing  in  great  force  upon 
our  main  line  of  troops  under  Generals  Ripley  and 
Porter.  General  Scott  was  now  on  our  left,  had 
given  to  his  column  a  direction  which  would  have 
enabled  him  in  a  fev/  minutes  to  have  formed  line 
in  the  rear  of  the  enemy's  right,  and  thus  have 
brought  the  enemy  between  two  fires;  but  in  a 
moment,  most  imexpectedly  a  flank  fire  from  a 
j)arty  of  the  enemy  concealed  on  our  left,  falling 
upon  the  center  of  Scott's  command  while  in  open 
column,  blasted  our  proud  expectations;  his  col- 
umn was  severed  in  two,  one  part  passing  to  the 
rear,  the  other  by  right  flank  of  platoons  towards 
our  main  line." 

After  the  final  repulse  of  the  enemy  and  his 
disappearance  from  the  field,  the  surmises  and 
imputations  of  Scott  upon  the  final  conduct  of 
Ripley  and  his  return  to  camp.are  thus  discredited 
and  dispelled  by  the  testimony  of  Brown  in  his 
diary.  "Tlie  enemy  now  seemed  to  be  effectually 
routed;  his  force  disappeared  from  the  field.  In 
a  conversation  which  occured  a  few  minutes  after, 
between  the  Major  General,  Major  Wood  and 
McRae,  and  two  or  three  other  officers,  it  was  the 
unanimous  belief  of  all,  that  we  had  nothing  more 
to  app  rehend  from  the  foe  with  whom  we  had  been 
contending;  but  it  appeared  to  be  admitted  by  the 
whole  that  it  would  be  proper  to  return  to  camp. 
The  idea  did  not  occur  to  anj'^  one  present,  that  it 


i 
I 


:\\ 


?tM 


I'? 


-,,!'! 


^■f■■m^<^:■KH^!1t^}^uts^'^l^W.),ri^i!m■m^  r 


"^■fmm'*^- 


-.■M;  ^ 


f  ■ 


UH'mI"' 


•1  iii  ■' 


m 

m 


56 


Life  of  J^ieazer  Wheelock  Riplajr. 


would   be   neceesary   to   leaA''e  behind  a  man  or 
cannon."  *  n<  »  * 

"As  the  General  moved  towards  camp,  many 
ecattering^  men  were  seen  by  him  on  the  I'oad;  not 
a  man  was  running  away,  none  appeared  to  be 
alarmed,  but  having  lost  their  officers,  were  seeking^ 
water,  and  were  either  drinking  or  struggliiig  1  "■ 
drink.  This  scene  assured  the  Major  Cieneral 
that  it  was  proper  for  the  army  to  return  to  camp 
in  order  that  the  scattering  men  might  be  ar- 
ranged to  their  companies  and  battalions,  the  army 
reorganized  and  refreshed  before  morning.  An 
officer  was  accordingly  sent  to  say  to  General 
Ripley,  that  the  wounded  men  and  the  captured 
cannon  being  brought  off,  the  army  w  ovild  return 
to  camp." 

The  testimony  l>eforethe  Court  of  Inquiry  ex- 
plains what  was  done  and  why  the  order  of  Brown 
was  not  complied  with  in  its  entirety,  while  the 
statement  of  the  latter  fully  exposes  Scott's 
"unkon^n  cause"  for  the  return  of  the  army  to 
camp  and  subject  to  ridicule  his  imputation  that  the 
movement  originated  with  Ripley  and  was  the 
result  of  alarm.  C 

General  Brown  was  |;reatly  annoyed  at  the 
failure  to  bring  off  the  captured  artillery  and  was, 
perhaps,  disposed  to  make  Ripley  the  scape  goat 
for  any  criticism  thjit  should  arise  on  this  account. 
His  report  to  the  secretary  of  war  had  for  him  no 
words  of  commendation,  and  says  that  within  an 
hour  after  his  return  to  camp,  he  was  informed 


J,:,, 


Hi'!' 


Si':.-l!:^'1Vi>r. 


r- 


ip,  many 
rood;  not 
-ed  to  be 
e  seeking 
rglilig  I  ^- 
r  General 
I  to  camp 
ht  be  ar- 
,  the  army 
rning.  An 
a  General 
J  captured 
nld  retunx 

nquiry  ex- 
:of  Brown 
while  the 
ics  Scott's 
e  army  to 
ion  that  the 
id  was  the 

(ed  at  the 
-y  and  was, 
scape  goat 
lis  account, 
for  him  no 
within  an 
informed 


Military  Life~18 12-18 15, 


St 


that  Gen.  Ripley  had  returned  without  annoyance 
and  in  good  order  "that  he  sent  for  him  and 
directed  him  to  collect  every  description  of  force, 
to  put  himself  ou  the  field  of  battle  as  the  day 
dawned  and  there  to  meet  the  enemy  if  he  again 
appeared.  To  this  order  he  made  no  objection 
and  I  relied  upon  its  execution.  It  was  not  ex- 
ecuted." In  his  diary  published  subsequent- 
ly, he  says,  "General  Ripley  being  immediately 
sent  for  General  Brown  stated  that  there  was  no 
doubt  in  his  mind,  but  that  the  enemy  had  retired, 
and  that  our  victory  was  complete.  He  appeared  to 
be  of  the  same  opinion  as  was  every  officer  pres- 
ent. General  Brown  then  in  strong  and  emphatic 
language,  ordered  General  Ripley  to  reorganize 
his  battalions,  to  see  that  they  were  refreshed  with 
whatever  could  be  afforded  in  camp,  and  put  him- 
self with  all  the  men  he  could  muster,  of  every 
corps,  oa  the  field  of  battle,  as  the  day  dawned, 
there  to  be  governed  by  circum3tances,at  all  events 
to  bring  off  the  captured  cannon.  It  was  not  be- 
lived  that  the  enemy  would  dare  to  attack  him  if 
he  showed  a  good  countenance.  General  Ripley 
left  General  Brown  under  the  conviction  that  he 
would  execute  the  order  given  to  him;  he  did  not 
make  the  slighest  objection  to  it,  none  was 
suggested  from  any  quarter."  From  this  state- 
r.ient  the  following  deductions  naturally  follow; 
that  Ripley  had  no  cause  to  object  as  he,  as  well 
as  Brown  and  the  other  officers,  believed  that  the 
victory  was  complete,  that  the  battle  field  was  un- 
occupied, and  that  the  English,  if  they  reappeared, 


f 


m 


^n 


^1 


I 


gy?"*igiy!--'-' 


•>{*. 


_2!5?'**fi?«"'  ■ 


u'n 


n 


r.  -  ft 


5^         Life  of  Eleazer  lllieelock  Ripley, 

hot  the  Americans,  would  be  the  attacking-  party. 
Had  Brown  been  apprised  of  the  actual  state  of 
facts  as  they  existed  at  the  moment,  would 
not  a  peremptor}'^  order  to  General  Ripley  to 
become  the  attacking  party  been  looked  upon  as 
ail  indiciition  of  military  imbecility?  -  ■*' 

In  alluding  to  this  subject,  Ingersol,  in  his 
historj^  of  the  war,  says;  "All  this,  which  became 
the  subject  of  much  controversy  among  the  Amer- 
ican officers,  discrediting  or  defending  l^iple}^ 
was  more  dexterously  than  candidl}-^,  but  so  com- 
monly as  to  be  almost  always  the  case  on  such 
occasions,  therefore  not  unpardonable,  was  turned 
by  General  Drummond  into  evidei^ce  that  he  was 
riot  conquered,  but  conqueror.  '  ■" 

"A  howitzer,  which  the  enemy  brought  up 
was  captured  by  us"  said  his  dispatch.  They 
captured  nothing,  but  merely  found  a  cannon 
accidentall}'^  left,  when  an  hour  after  the  enemy's 
retreat,  their  conquerors  in  complete  and  undis- 
turbed possession  of  the. guns  and  the  Held,  slowly 
and  in  i)erfect  (  rder  left  it,  and  then  to  return  to 
tlie  indispensable  repose  of  the  camp.  The 
struggle  was  over.  Pride  of  success  was  sup- 
phmted  by  bodily  exhaustion,  anxiety  for  repose 
from  excessive  toil,  and  relief  from  tormenting 
thirst.  The  Americans  therefore,  but  as  victors, 
were  marched  to  their  camp  as  Brown  had  directed, 
though  without  the  cannon  as  he  had  ordered. 
Vexed,  mortified,  stung  by  the  omission  to  bring 
th,e,m  away,  when  he  heard  of  it,  he .  unwittingly 


ii 

'Mm. 


,  .S.:/\- 


r:^fmmmsms»s^'~ 


ng  party, 
il  state  of 
t,    would 
Ripley    to  ■ 
i  upon  as 

sol,  in  his 
:h  became 
the  Amer- 
g  l^ipley, 
ut  so  com- 
e  on  such 
\'as  turned 
lat  he  was 

rought  up 
:ch.     They 

a  cannon 
le  enemy's 
and  undis- 
leld,  slowly 
o  return  to 
imp.      The 

was  snp- 
for  repose 
tormenting 
:  as  victors, 
ad  directed, 
id  ordered. 
3X1  to  bring 
imwittingly 


Military  Li£c—1812-lSl5. 


5a 


countenanced  General  Drummond's  unfair  as^ 
sumption  by  censuring  General  Ripley,  ordering 
him  to  march  next  morning  at  sunrise  to  reoccupy 
the  hill  and  bring  away  the  guns,  which  was  iiaji-^ 
possible.  Ripley's  division  fit  for  that  morning 
did  not  exceed  sixteen  hundred  men;  in  the  judge- 
ment of  many,  if  not  most  of  the  ofiScers,  it  would 
have  been  madness,  with  such  a  force,  hardly  re^ 
freshed  from  yesterday's  labor  (for  sunrise  came- 
in  three  hours  after  their  repose  began,  the  night 
of  the    battle)  to   storm  the  hill  of   ©ridge w*4teir 

.,  ">At  the  commencement  of  the  battle  on  the 
2§th,  fheErfglish  force  has  been  estimated  at  1637 
m^n,  increased  by  reinfareements  during:  the  .enn 
gage  went  to  5130.  including  S45IU  regularig,  12(]0  ittr 
cprpo^ratid  ruilitia  and'480  Indians.  THe<  Americ*iq 
force;  was  750  augmented  during  the  battle  to  2^17, 
including  ,the  2d  brigade  a  detachment  of.  ajrtil^ 
Lery  apd  6Q0  ,  .volunteers.  The  Josa  upon  the 
4nierican  side  in  Mlledand  wounded/  was  aboi^t 
one  third  of  their  number,  with  an  equal  ("-grcatet; 
loss  upon  the  part  of  the  enemy.    .      ,.  •,  •   /v,.; 

On  the  morning  of  the  ^t  h-  General  Kipley, 
pursuant  to  the  orders  of  Geii  rai  Jirown,  again 
took  up  the  march  to  the  battle  i  2ld,  but  finding  it 
in  the  possession  of  the  enemy,  reinforced  and 
strongly  fortified,  he  abandoned  the  idea  of 
making  an  attack  and  commenced  a  retrograde 
movement  upon  Fort  Erie.  Before  doing  this, 
however,  he  visited  General  Brown  and  explained 


Ifl 


eo 


Life  of  Eleazer  IVheelock  Ripley. 


fe, 


ii 


to  him  the  condition  of  affairs  and  urged  the 
abandonment  of  an  attack  upon  the  enemy. 
Brown  insisted  upon  it,  and  as  if  still  unconvinced 
of  its  hopelessness,  would  not  yield  an  inch  until 
the  interview  finally  closed  with  this  result  as 
given  in  Brown's  diary;  "General  Brown  persisted 
when  he  informed  the  general,  that  General  Porter 
was  also  opposed  to  proceeding.  At  these  words, 
General  Brown  replied,  'Sir  you  will  do  as  you 
please;"  and  had  no  futher  intercourse  with  him 
until  they  met  at  Buffalo." 

Although  at  the  expense  of  adding  to  Brown's 
enmity  to  himself,  there  is  little  doubt  that 
Ripley's  persistence  at  this  time  saved  the  Amer- 
ican army  from  annihilation.  Left  to  do  as  he 
pleased,  General  Ripley  immediately  commenced 
a  retreat  to  Fort  Erie  where  General  Brown 
determined  to  make  a  stand,  instead  of  evacuating 
the  Canadian  side  where  he  doubtless  expected  to 
be  able  to  maintain  his  position  until  reinforce- 
ments should  arrive  under  General  Izard,  in  com- 
mand of  a  large  force  at  Sacketts  Harbor;  his  expec- 
tation of  these  however  was  not  to  be  realized. 

Destroying  the  bridge  across  the  Chippewa, 
and  throwing  every  pocsible  obstacle  in  the  way 
of  the  enemy's  advance.  General  Ripley  arrived 
at  Fort  Erie  on  the  27th,  and  immediately  applied 
himself  with  indefatigable  zeal  in  strengthening 
the  fortifications  and  rendering  them  secure  against 
the  anticipated  attack.  As  soon  as  he  could  gain  a 
short  respite  from  these  indispensable  labors,  he 


WU 


'.r^^fi^:' 


H%^:t 


''*««*».. #.*i«M*6ife.yfem^ 


•ged  the 
;  enemy. 
:onvinced 
nch  until 
result  as 
persisted 
ral  Porter 
Be  words, 
io  as  you 
with  him 

J  Brown's 
ubt  that 
he  Amer- 
do  as  he 
mmenced 
al  Brown 
vacuating 
:pected  to 
reinforce - 
^,  in  com- 
his  expec- 
alized. 

Chippewa, 
1  the  way 
ty  arrived 
ly^  applied 
ngthening 
ire  against 
tuld  gain  a 
labors,  he 


- .  .ji-ii;ii*(.,^^--irt--t 


Military  Life^lS12-1815. 


dl 


hastened  to  pay  a  fitting  tribute  to  the  2d  brigade 
for  their  gallantry  at  Lundy's  I«ane.  In  his  bri- 
gade orders  issued  at  Fort  Erie  on  the  next  day  he 
commended  especially  the  gallantry  of  Colonel 
Nicholas  and  Major  Brook,  and  of  Colonel  Miller 
he  said  "To  Col.  Miller  of  the  21st  regiment,  he  re* 
turned  more  than  hi«  thanks.  He  deserved  the 
gratitude  and  approbation  of  the  nation;  never 
was  an  enterprise  more  heroically  executed;  never 
was  the  valor  of  a  veteran  more  proudly  displayed. 
The  brigadier  general  was  satisfied  with  the  con- 
duct of  his  staff,  Lieutenant  McDonald  of  the  19th 
and  Lieutenant  Clark  of  the  llth.  The  officers  of 
the  brigade  have  to  mourn  the  lose  of  Major  Mc- 
Parland  of  the  23d  and  Lieutenant  Bigelow  of  the 
21st  regiment." 

The  enemy  did  not  arrive  before  the  fort  un- 
til the  3d  of  Aiigust,  by  which  time,  owing  to  the 
unceasing  efforts  of  General  Ripley,  it  had  been 
made  secure  against  an  immediate  assault,  and 
presented  such  a  formidable  front  as  to  induce 
the  enemy  to  resort  to  a  regular  investment 
Both  sides  henceforth  applied  themselves  vigor- 
ously for  assault  and  defence.  Soon  after  the 
siege  commenced.  General  Gaines,  Ripley's  senior, 
arrived  and  assumed  the  command  being  sum- 
moned by  Brown  for  this  purpose,  while  his  dis- 
pleasure towards  Ripley  was  at  fever  heat  on  the 
day  after  the  battle  of  Lundy's  Lane.  Gaines  was 
satisfied  with  the  arrangments  for  defence  and 
made  no  alterations  in  them.  The  American  force 
at  this  time  was  composed  of  the  first  and  second 


it! 


•  r 


r^ 


'Vi 


^< 


<7i^ 


Life  of  J^/eazer  ilJieelocIc  Riplej^. 


I)rigade8,  and  Porter's  volunteers,  greatlj''  reduced 
in  numbers  by  the  battle  of  the  25th,  and  an  addi- 
tional small  force  of  New  York  and  Pennsylvania 
volunteers,  the  whole  combined  estimated  by  Gen- 
eral Drummond  not  to  exceed  fifteen  hundred  men 
fit  for  duty,  and  which  he  believed  was  inadequate 
to  prevent  his  carrying  the  fort  by  storm.  This 
he  determined  to  do. and  witli  this  object,  on  the 
morning  of  the  fifteenth,  three  columns  of  nearly 
four  thousand  men,  with  steel  as  their  watchword 
and  relying  upon  the  bayonet,  advanced  to  the  as- 
sault. .     ;  ,         •  ;  i      :  .- 

General  Ripley, 'whose;  watchfulness  was  un- 
ceasing; on  the  fourteeiith, '^bbvit  niidnight,  dis- 
covered indicatioiis'of  'an  as-sault,' had  hife  brigade 
instantly  formed  and  dispatched  his"*  aid,  then 
Meutenant  Kirb3'(  to,  commuticat^  his  impres- 
sions to  General  Gaines.  These  I  were  Bo6n  verifi-* 
ed  by  the  firing  of  the  picket  guard,  which  re-* 
treated  to  the  works  under  the  clommand  of  Lieu-i 
tenant  Belknap,  who  more  anxious  ior  his  men; 
than  himself,  was  wounded  as  he  was  the  last  in 
entering  through  the  entry .  port,  :  The  English 
columns  rushed  to  the  assault  with  desperate  fury. 
On  the  left,  where  Towson's  battery  and;  Ripley's 
brigade  were  stationed,  the  latter  in  a  line  from 
the  battery  to  the  lake,  the  advancing  column  was 
received  with  such  a  destructive  fire,  from  the 
batterj*^  and  the  second  brigade  as  to  recoil  in  con- 
fusion. Repeated  attempts  upon  this  part  of  the 
intrenchments  were,  equally  unfortunate  and  dis- 
astrous. •         '  .  ■    '  I    V '      /.  >    r  ■ 


jt 


w 


T 


reduced 
ail  addi- 
ipylvania 
by  Gen- 
red  men 
idequate 
m.     This 
:t,  on  the 
of  nearly 
atchword 
to  the  as- 
)•  :i.  .':,.^:-:.>' 

I  was  11  n- 
ight,  dis- 
fe  brigade 
aid,  then 

irtipres- 
i&u  verifi-» 
vhieb  re-f 
I  of  Lieu-" 
his  men 
ae  last  in 

English 
rate  fury, 
!  Ripley '3 
line  from 
lumn  was 
from  the 
)il  in  con- 
irt  of  the 

and  dis' 


Military  Li/e^l812-lS15. 


63 


Upon  the  rijjht  and  the  center,  the  attack  waa 
not  so  eaaih'  repelled,  notwithstanding  the  gal- 
lantrj'^  of  Porier  and  his  brave  associates.  After 
several  attempts,  a  lodgment  was  made  in  the 
bastion,  and  the  enemy  fought  with  desperation 
to  retain  it,  but  were  finally  defeated  in  this,  and 
toward  dawn  fled  in  disorder,  leaving  the  com- 
manders of  two  of  the  columns  dead,  with  a  fur- 
ther loss  of  222  dv»ad,  174  wounded  and  186  prison- 
ers besides  a  great  many  killed  and  wounded  who 
had  fallen  in  the  lake.  Their  whole  loss  was  esti- 
mated at  962  and  that  of  the  Americans  at  84. 

As  giving  the  incidents  Of  the  battle  more  in 
detail,  we  (extract  the  foUdwiug  from  an  American 
historian:*^  --■^■'''"    •- --- ■'-^■^•'-■v.-^;"- ■>•' :: 

"Gsneral  Gains's  position  on  the  margin  of 
the  lake,  where  the  river  Niagara  empties  into  it, 
a  horizontal  plain  a  few  feet  above  the  water,  was 
strengthened  by  breastworks  in  front,  entrench- 
ments an'd  batteries.  The  small  unfinished  Fort 
Erie  was  defended  by  Captain  William g,  support- 
ed by  Major  Trimble's  infantry';  the  front  batteries 
by  Captains  Biddle  and  Fanning,  the  left  by  a  re- 
doubt of  which  Captain  Towson  had  charge,  all 
the  artillery  commanded  by  Major  Hindman. 
Lieutenant  Colonel  Aspinwall  was  at  the  head  of 
the  9tli,  11th  and  22d  regiments  of  infantry,  from 
a  few  weeks  of  admirable  service  became  the  vet- 
eran brigade  of  Srott.  General  Ripley  command- 
ed his  own  brigade,   the  21st  and   23d   regiments. 

*Ingersol.     '  '  -  ■*'     -  - 


:'M\ 


A 


■■^ 


'SSSSi 


*WIIW»K-,^4i««'«l9»W»a»!^>' 


"kP-^ 


(f4         Life  of  Eleazer  IVheelock  RipTe-j^. 

General  Porter,  with  the  New  York  and  Pennsyl- 
vania volunteers,  occupied  the  center.  Colonel 
Fischer,  of  De  Watterville's  regiment,  led  one  of 
the  British  colunuis;  Colonel  Drummond  a  second. 
Lieutenant  Colonel  Scott  the  third.  The  first 
point  assaulted  w^as  defended  by  Major  Wood,  of 
the  engineers,  volunteering  to  head  the  21  st  regi- 
ment of  infantry,  and  by  Captain  Towson.  Wad- 
ing breast  deep  through  the  water,  the  British 
column  advanced  in  the  dark  within  ten  feet  of 
the  American  line  again  and  again,  but  was  con- 
stantly repulsed.  The  left,  attacked  by  Scott,  wa» 
defended  by  Major  McRae,  with  the  9th  regiment 
under  Captain  Foster,  and  New  York  and  Penn- 
sylvania volunteers,  under  Captains  Boughton  and. 
Harding;  Colonel  Drummond,  with  his  column 
and  the  seamen  under  Captain  Dobbs,  assaulted 
the  center  with  a  daring  courage,  of  which  human- 
ity was  no  part.  With  scaling  ladders  he  led  his 
Sanguinary  followers  up  the  parapet  of  the  old 
Fort,  but  was  driven  back  with  great  carnage. 
Again  twice  mounting  after  being  thrice  repelled, 
they  moved  around  by  the  ditch  in  total  darkness, 
and  once  mounting  with  scaling  ladders,  overpow- 
ered and  killed  with  pikes  and  bayonets  Williams 
and  McDonough  with  several  men,  severely 
wounding  Lieutenant  Watmough  and  carried  the 
bastion,  of  which  for  more  than  an  hour  they  held 
possession,  defeating  reiterated  efforts  of  our  peo- 
'ple  to  dislodge  them.  There  it  was  that  Mc- 
Donough, overcome,  entreating  quarter  in  vain, 
and  desperately  defending  his  life  with  a  hand- 


:iii<^"^'y 


r- 

Pennsyl- 
Colonel 
;d  one  of 
a  second, 
'he    first 
W^ood,  of 
Ist  regi- 
1.     Wad- 
i   British 
n  feet  of 
was  con- 
cott,  wa» 
regiment 
id  Penn- 
hton  and 
column 
assaulted 
1  human- 
led  his 
the  old 
carnage, 
repelled, 
larkness, 
)verpow- 
Williams 
severely 
rried  the 
hey  held 
our  peo~ 
that   Mc- 
in  vain, 
a  hand- 


MUitarjr  Life— 1812-1815. 


65 


spike,  was  murdered  by  Drummond,  who  himself 
was  shot  in  the  breast,  by  a  soldier  and  put  to 
death,  with  no  quarter,  expiring  on  his  lips,  as  he 
fell.  Repulsed  on  the  left,  master  of  the  fort  in 
the  centre,  and  strenuously  contending  for 
foothold  on  the  right,  the  enemy  for  a  long  time 
maintained  the  battle  fiercely  raging.  General 
Gaines,  while  striving  to  regain  the  bastion,  order- 
ed reinforcements  also  to  the  right,  which  were 
promptly  sent  by  General  Ripley  and  Porter,  both 
of  whom  were  constantly  active  and  sagacious  to 
face  every  danger  and  supply  every  want.  The 
victory  was  in  no  small  measure  ascribable  to  the 
infantry  covering  the  artillery  and  protecting  them 
at  their  guns.  While  Major  Hindman  and  Trim- 
ble, Captains  Foster  and  Byrdsall,  repeatedly 
failed  by  many  devices  of  dauntless  courage  to  re- 
cover the  bastion,  of  which  the  enemy  kept  pos- 
session for  more  than  an  hour,  and  the  conflict  on 
the  right  was  still  undetermined,  an  accident  fixed 
the  fate  of  the  right,  as,  and  nearly  where  a  similar 
occurrence  brought  it  on.  Some  cartridges  depos- 
ited in  a  stone  building,  occupied  by  the  Amer- 
icans, near  the  bastion,  held  by  the  British,  explod- 
ed with  terrible  uproar  which  struck  the  latter 
with  panic.  In  vain  their  surviving  officers  assur- 
ed their  mentthat  it  was  an  accident,  not  a  mine, 
and  endeavored  to  rally  them  to  renewed  contest. 
Captain  Biddle  at  that  crisis,  b>  General  Gaine's 
direction,  wounded  as  the  Captain  was,  by  a  shell 
contusion,  enfilated  with  his  piece  the  exterior 
plain  and  glacis,   while  Captain  Fanning  from  his 


Hpjl; 


■■■'    ... 

•  •}>■''• 

* '  i 
'''■'    ,  .■ 


m: 


it 


m 


Life  of  Elenzer  W^heelock  Riploy. 


'M^- 


batter}'  dealt  execution  upon  the  enemy  who  all 
tied  towards  dawn  in  complete  disorder  and  dis- 
may. •    •      •"■■   ■*    ■'  ■        •  • 

"  Foiled  in  this  first  attack  on  Towson's 
battery,  supported  by  the  21st  infantry,  again 
repulsed  by  Ripley  and  Wood,  attempting  to  turn 
the  western  batteries,  and  though  for  a  while  in 
,  possession  of  an  exterior  central  bastion,  at  length 
driven  from  every  point,  in  panic  and  confusion, 
with  a  loss  of  a  fourth  of  their  force.  The  enemy 
by  this  defeat  suffered  a  lesson  of  lasting  impres- 
sion which  was  not  disguised  in  the  official  dis- 
patches of  Colonel  Fisher,  General  Drun  iid  and 
General  Prevost." 

In  his  official  report  of  the  assault,  General 
Gaines  says:  "  To  brigadier  General  Ripley  much 
credit  is  due  for  the  judicious  disposition  of  the 
left  wing,  previous  to  the  action  and  for  the 
steady  disciplined  courage  manifested  by  him  and 
his  immediate  command,  and  for  the  promptitude 
with  which  he  complied  with  my  orders  for  rein- 
forcements during  the  action."  ^    ,  ;     • 

•  On  the  17th,  General  Ripley  made  a  report  to 
his  superior  officer,  in  which  he  highly  conipli- 
mented  those  under  his  immediate  command  and 
from  which  we  make  the  following  extract. 

"Brigadier  General  Gaines. 

Sir: — I  take  the  liberty  of  reporting  to  3''ou2the 
course  of  operations  on  the  left  flank  of  the  camp 
during  the  action  of  the  15th  ins. 


"'•!■■• 


Militiirv  Life—I 8 12-18 15. .  .*. 


67 


who  all 
and  dis- 

*owson*8 
y,  again 
5  to  turn 
while  in 
it  length 
infusion, 
e  enemy 
iiTipres- 
icial  dis- 
)nd  and 

General 
ey  much 
3n  of  the 

for  the 
r  him  and 
mptitude 
for  rein- 
report  to 
r  compli- 
nand  and 
ct. 


to  you^the 
the  camp 


"From  indications  satisfactory  to  me,  I  was 
persuaded  very  early  of  the  enemy's  design  of 
attacking  us  in  our  position.  Before  any  alann  }. 
!  caused  my  brigade  to  occupy  their  alarm  post.  On 
the  first  fire  of  the  picket,  Captain  Towson  opened 
his  artillery  upon  tliera  from  Fort  Williams,  in  a 
style  which  does  him  infinite  credit ;  it  was  contin- 
ued with  very  great  cflfect  upon  the  enemy,  during 
the  whole  action.        .;     -.^      .        '  J    -      .   „       ; 

;  .  "The  enemy  advanced  with  fixed  bayonets, 
and  attempted  to  enter  our  works  between  the  fort 
and  water.  They  brought  ladders  for  the  purpose 
of  scaling,  and  in  order  to  prevent  their  troops 
from  resorting  to  any  other  course,  excepting  the 
bayonet,  had  caused  all  their  flints  to  be  taken  from 
their  muskets.  The  column  that  approached  in 
this  direction  consisted  of,  and  amounted  to  at 
least  1500  men  and  according  to  the  representations 
of  the  prisoners  they  were  2000  strong.  The  com- 
panies pDsted  at  the  points  of  the  works  which 
they  attempted  to  'jscalade,  were  Captain  Ross's 
Captain  Marston's.Lieutenent  Bowman's  and  Lieu- 
tenent  Larned's  of  the  21st  regiment,  not  exceed- 
ing 250  men  under  the  command  of  Major  Wood 
of  the  engineer  corps.  On  the  enemy's  approach, 
they  opened  their  musketrj'^  upon  them  in  a  man- 
ner the  most  poweriul;  Fort  Williams  and  this 
little  band  emitted  one  broad  uninterrupted  sheet 
of  light — the  enemy  were  repulsed.  They  rallied, 
came  on  a  second  time  to  the  chaige,  trd  a  party 
waded  round  our  iine  by  the  lake,  and  csme  in 


:i 


n 


m;- 


1 


5tilf 


■Sill? 


§4: 


ns 


Life  of  WcaXer  Wheelock  Riploy. 


on  the  flank:  but  a  reserve  of  two  companies 
posted  in  the  commencement  of  the  action  to  sup- 
port this  point,  marched  up  and  fired  upon  the 
party — they  were  all  killed  or  taken.  Five  times 
did  the  enemy  advance  to  the  charge;  five  times 
were  their  columns  beaten  back  in  the  utmost 
confusion  by  a  force,  one  sixth  of  their  number; 
till  at  length,  finding  the  contest  unavailing,  they 
retired.     At  this  point  we  made  147  prisoners. 

"During  the  contest  in  this  quarter,  the  lines 
of  the  whole  left  wing  were  perfectly  lined,  in 
addition  to  the  reserved;  and  I  found  myself  able 
to  detach  three  companies  of  the  23d  regiment 
from  the  left,  to  reinforce  the  troops  at  Fort  Erie, 
viz.  Capt.  Wattler's,  Lieut.  Cantines  and  Lieut. 
Brown's  companies,  and  one  of  the  17th  under 
Chum/  They  were  in  the  fort  during  the  time  of 
the  explosion  and  their  conduct  is  highly  spoken 
of  by  their  commander,  Major  Brooks,  their  com- 
manding officer." 

Thus  signally  and  disastrously  foiled  in  the 
attempt  to  carr}'^  the  American  intrenchments  by 
storm,  the  enemy  again  directed  their  efforts  to 
investment  and  cannonade  in  the  hopes  of  com- 
pelling their  abandonment,  while  the  intervening 
space  between  the  opposing  forces  was  the  scene 
of  frequent  skirmishes. 

On  the  2d  of  September,  General  Brown  re- 
sumed the  command,  and  while  the  enemy  prose- 
cuted the  investment  with  unabated  ardor.  Brown 
was  equally  intent  upon  preventing  the  capture  of 


tnpanies 
ti  to  aup- 
ipon  the 
ve  times 
ve  times 
i  utmost 
number; 
ing,  they 
jners. 

the  lines 
lined,  in 
-self  able 
regiment 
ort  Erie, 
id  Lieut, 
th  under 
2  time  of 
y  spoken 
leir  corn- 
ed in  the 
ments  by 
efforts  to 
i  of  com- 
tervening 
the  scene 

Jrown  re- 
ny  prose- 
or.  Brown 
capture  of 


Militarv  Life— 1812-1815. 


fiD 


the  Fort.  With  the  inferior  force  under  his  com- 
mand, his  mind  was  filled  with  anxiety,  and  while 
determined  to  hold  out  to  the  last,  and  if  p<«8iblc, 
triumph  over  the  enemy,  he  still  looked  abroad 
for  help.  On  the  10th  he  wrote  to  General  Izard, 
then  in  command  of  a  large  force  on  it»  way  to 
Sacketts  Harbor,  imploring  aid.  With  a  total 
force  not  exceeding  two  thousand  tticn  opposed  to 
four  thousand  on  the  part  of  the  enemy,  he  said: 
"I  will  not  conceal  from  you  that  the  fate  of  this 
army  is  very  doubtful,  unless  speedy  relief  is  af- 
forded." Izard's  tardy  advance  caused  Brown  to 
loose  all  hope  of  timely  aid  from  him,  and  to  feel 
the  necessity  of  relying  solely  upon  the  courage 
and  zeal  of  his  own  small  force.  With  an  army 
too  small  to  encounter  the  enemy  in  a  pitched  bat- 
tle in  an  open  field,  it  was  apparent  that  unless 
Canada  should  be  promptly  evacuated,  which 
would  imply  that  the  object  of  the  campaign  was 
a  failure,  the  road  to  safety  lay  in  tlie  surprise 
and  destruction  of  the  works  before  they  could  be 
protected  by  an  adequate  force.  Ascertaining  the 
manner  in  which  the  enemy  prosecuted  tlie  con- 
struction of  their  works  and  the  location  of  their 
troops.  Brown  determined  upon  a  sortie  which 
he  believed  would  prove  eminently  successful. 

The  result  answered  his  most  sanguine  ex- 
pectations. The  British  army  was  encamped 
about  two  miles  from  their  works,  which  were 
carried  on  by  parties  detailed  for  that  purpose 
under  the  protection  of  a  brigade  of  infantry.  To 
resist  this  force  and  demolish  the  works,  consist- 


■■  v> 


m^m 


fh'"'- 


m IIIBIH-T     l1^ilTT.Mll»iilll*l|Ji,     I     ■— tHi-Hw 


jryi« 


ill 


r<7 


.C//e  o/  Eleazar  Wlieelock  Ripley, 


^    t 


r 


if       ' 


fi'     I     1 


ing  of  two  batteries  and  the  third  already  far  ad- 
vanced, was  the  impoitant  object  in  \iew.  Alert- 
ness, preparation  and  courage  on  the  part  of  the 
ei.emy,  such  as  was  exhibited  by  their  foes  in  the 
previous  attempt  to  storm  and  capture  the  Amer- 
ican works,  would  probably  have  brought  the 
movement  to  a  disastrous  end.  About  mid-day, 
on  the  17th  of  the  month,  the  American  troops 
ptarted  upon  the  x^erilous  enterprise.  General 
Porter  was  ordered  tomake  a  detour  with  his  vol- 
aiteers  "on  the  right,  and  throw  themselves  on 
the  front  and  rear  of  the  entrenchments,  the  first 
brigade  under  General  Miller  was  ordered  to  ad- 
vance between  the  two  forts  and  to  divide  and  at- 
tack each  of  them  in  tlan.  while  General  Ripley 
was  placed  in  command  of  the  reserve  to  be  ready 
for  any  emergency." 

The  duties  assigned  to  the  different  corps 
were  performed  with  alacrity  and  courage,  the  'Ob- 
ject of  the  sortie  was  completely  attained,  but 
while  occupied  in  sustaining  those  engaged  in  the 
demoliticti  of  the  hostile  batteries,  Ger  eral  Rip- 
ley was  struck  by  a  musket  siiot  which  passed 
through  his  neck  ajd  he  fell  senseless  to  the 
ground.  An  ofBcer  who  was  by  liIs  side  at  the 
time  he  fell,  in  a  letter  to  a  friend  in  Pittsfield, 
Massachusetts,  says:  "That  all  the  troops  partici- 
pated in  the  action  and  that  towards  the  close  of 
it  as  ihe  General  was  at  the  head  of  the  2;M  regi- 
ment, tlien  closely  engaged  at  the  distance  of 
twentj  yards  from  the  en(-Jiy  he  received  a  mus- 
ket shot  which  penetrated   his  neck  between  the 


I  If 


'» 


ley, 

dy  far  ad- 
w.  Alert- 
►art  of  the 
Foes  in  the 
the  Amer- 
ou^ht  the 
it  mid-day, 
;an  troops 
General 
ith  his  vol- 
iselves  on 
8,  the  first 
?red  to  ad- 
ide  and  at- 
:ral  Ripley 
to  be  ready 

rent  corps 
ige,  the  ob- 
tained, but 
Liged  in  the 
;it  eral  Rip- 
ich  passed 
ess  to  the 
side  at  the 
,  Pittsfield, 
ops  partici- 
;he  close  of 
i  23d  regi- 
listmice  of 
ved  a  inus- 
)etvveen  the 


Miliiarv  Lite— 1812-1815. 


n 


throat  and  spine,  entering  in  front  of  the  right 
artery  and  passing  out  behind  the  left  artery.  His 
aid  carried  him  from  the  field  of  battle,  insensible 
through  the  flo\Nr  of  blood."*  From  the  effects  of 
this  wound  he  tiever  recovered,  his  neck  remain- 
ing stiff  until  the  day  of  his  death. 

Of  the  duty  to  be  performed  by  the  assailing 
columns  and  of  the  result  says  Ingersol,  "There 
were  three  British  batteries  in  charge,  at  the 
moment,  of  the  King's  and  De  Watervillc's  regi' 
ments,  then  on  duty.  Announced  by  tremendous 
fire  from  the  fort,  the  rain  falling  in  torrents,  so 
as  to  render  impossible  the  free  use  of  fire  arms, 
Porter  led  his  column  close  up  to  the  enemy's  en- 
trenchments, turned  their  right  without  being 
perceived  by  their  pickets,  and  soon  carried  by 
storm,  battery  number  3,  together  with  a  strong 
blockhouse.  Thence  instantly  moving  on  battery 
number  2,  he  there  met  a  stouter  resistance.  Col- 
onel Gibson  was  killed  there,  but  after  an  obstinate 
combat,  our  people  gv^t  possession  of  the  second 
batter>^  The  intrepid  Miller,  for  whom  batteries 
had  no  terrors,  then  by  IBrown's  direction  seized 
the  moment  to  pierce  the  enemy's  entrenchments 
between  the  two  captured  batteries,  attacking 
the  third  battery.  Davis  and  Wood  fell,  but  again 
the  enem)'^  was  overcome,  and  abandoned  his  last 
battery.  In  half  an  hour  after  the  first  shot  the 
three  batteries  and  two  blockhouses  were  taken, 
the  magazine  blown  up,  all  the  guns  rendered  us- 

♦NHesReg.,  Nov.  5,  1814. 


i 

•si 


!    . 


if! 


'.■,tL  ■t^tt'i' ^->i^''''^S**P^***'^'*'^^'i"'-''*'' 


'■■■v^il^^*^-'-^- 


J  ^'»v^^     i 'K'jc*^*'- ^  iy  '  ^    .*^w 


S  JjS.l    -Sfe>\'!.      ■i'' 


JMgwiinH—nnnwiiiim 


!     ! 


VlcJ  (.., 

M'  - 


li:f 

«1  f  f 


r',  i. 


;.;"5^ 


7^ 


Life  of  Eleazer  Wheelock  Ripley, 


less  and  every  object  of  the  sortie  accomplished, 
with  considerable  loss,  indeed,  but  beyond  Gen- 
eral Brown's  most  sanguine  expectations.  Gen. 
Ripley  was  then  ordered  up  to  superintend  the 
difficult  ojxi ration  which  General  Miller  had  begun, 
of  w  ithdrawing  the  troops  from  their  conquest  and 
leading  them  back  to  Fort  Erie,  an  operation 
which  Gen.  Brown  with  his  staff ,  personally  super- 
intended. In  the  performance  of  that  duty  Rii)ley, 
while  speaking  with  Colonel  Upham  received  a 
severe  wound  in  the  neck,  from  which  he  never 
recovered,  though  he  survived  many  years,  and 
served  at  one  time  in  Congress  from  Louisiana." 
The  v/hole  British  loss  in  killed,  wounded,  pris- 
oners, and  missing,  was  placed  by  Brown  at  one 
thousand  men.  As  soon  as  the  firing  was  heard, 
General  Drurnrnond  had  hastened  to  the  scene  of 
action  and  directed  also  his  energies  to  the  raKying 
of  his  retreating  and  discomfited  troops  and  re- 
gaining the  captured  entrenchments,  while  Brown, 
with  his  design  fully  accomplished,  was  equally 
intent  upon  withdrawing  his  own  troops  to  the  pro- 
tection of  his  defences.  This  he  success^vdy  per- 
formed, but  found  that  the  operations  of  the  day 
had  resulted  in  a  loss  to  the  Americans  of  five 
hundred  and  elevexi  killed,  wounded  and  missing. 

This  days  work  destroyed  the  hopes  of  the 
enenxy,  and  General  Drummond  immediately 
abandoned  his  position  and  sought  safety  beyond 
the  Chippewa,  where  he  fortified  himself  against 
attack.  Before  attempting  to  follow  with  his  infer- 
ior force.Brown  waited  anxiously  for  the  arrival  of 


mm 


vr- 


Military  Life^l812~1815. 


73 


iiplished, 
>nd  Geti- 
8.  Gen. 
itend  the 
ad  begun, 
juest  and 
r>peration 
[ly  super- 
y  Rii)ieY, 
eceived  a 
he  never 
iars,  and 
Hiisiana." 
ded,  pris- 
«vn  at  one 
as  heard, 

scene  of 
e  rar^ying 
i  and  re- 
le  Brown, 
B  equally 
o  the  pro- 
■*uly  per- 
f  the  day 
18  of  five 

missing. 

es  of  the 
nediately 
y  beyond 
If  against 
hm  infer- 
arrival  of 


Izard  80  that  a  forward  movement  could  be  made 
with  their  combined  armies.  Inclement  weather, 
bad  roads  and  an  aversion,  it  was  said,  on  the  part 
of  Izard  to  co-operate  with  Brown,  had,  however, 
made  the  advance  of  Izard's  army  slow  and  un- 
reliable. Armstrong,  having  left  the  war  depart- 
ment, was  succeeded  by  Monroe,  who  issued  an, 
order  on  the  27th  of  September  to  Izard,  directing 
him  to  assume  command  of  his  and  Brown's  unit- 
ed forces,  urging  him  to  action  and  asvsu ring  him 
of  the  confidence  of  the  government  in  his  gallant- 
ry and  ability.  On  the  5th  of  October,  Brown  and 
I*orter  had  an  interview  with  Izard  at  Lewistown, 
both  eager  for  co-operation  in  Canada.  On  the 
8th  Izard  made  an  abortive  attempt  to  cross  the 
Niagara  and  land  his  division  in  the  face  of  the 
British  batteries  at  Chippewa,  but  on  the  .10th 
and  11th  landed  near  Fort  Erie.  The  combined 
divisions  amounted  to  six  thousand  men,  while 
the  force  of  the  enemy  was  estimated  at  three 
thousand  with  the  advantages  of  a  fortified  position. 
On  the  14th  of  October,  Izard  appeared  before  the 
British  intrench  ments,  but  while  willing  to  receive 
an  attack  would  not  venture  to  assail  the  British, 
position,  and  amid  the  chagrin  and  indignation  of 
Ilia  army  and  of  his  countrymen,  he  broke  up  his 
encampment  on  the  21st,  prepared  to  go  into  win 
ter  quarters,  withdrew  his  army  from  Canada,  and 
on  the  5th  of  November,  Fort  Brie,  the  last  vestige 
of  American  prowess  on  Canadian  soil,  was  blown 
up  by  Major  Totten  of  the  engineer  corps. 

After  protracted  and  severe  suffering.  General 


ii 


(  I  • 


,';^^jiA««!!^(tW«wiifJiJ(\«fc/i.WS«»HtfB>-^^^^^ 


E;^!&<^^l 


'  -j-K^.if-w  .»i« ... 


kk 


f  '' 


w'}'^?i-t 


74 


Life  of  Bleazer  Wheelock  Ripley. 


Ripley  so  far  recovered  as  to  be  able  to  travel,and 
started  for  Albany,  where  he  arrived  in  January, 
1815.   7Jurin^^  his  long  prostration,  he  received  the 
constrmt  and  unremitted  attention  of  his  wife  to 
whom  he  was  married  in  1811,  and  who  was  the 
daughter  of  the  Reverend  Thomas  Allen,  of  Pitts- 
field,  Massachusetts,  a  distinguished  Revolutionary 
patriot.   In  an  article  in  a  Philadelphia  Magazine,* 
in  1815,  in  reference  to  General  Ripley,  the  writer 
paid  her  this  tribute.     "During  this  period  of  pain 
and  danger,  there  was  by  his  side,  one  who  had 
previously  shared  his  labors  and  privations,  and 
n  jw  like  a  ministering  angel  assuaged  his  suffering. 
To  this  benign  influence  he  may   be  considered 
indebted,  not  only  for  solace,  but  for  the  contin- 
uance of  life!"    1  he  announcement  of  peace,  which 
soon  followed,  rendered  his  presence  unnecessary 
upon  the  frontier,  and  as  soon  as  returning  health 
permitted,   he   demanded   and   put   in    motion  a 
Court  of  Inquiry  as  to  his  military  conduct,  which 
had  been  missrepresented  and  traduced. 

Unfortunately,  parties  sometimes  exist  in 
armies  as  well  as  in  the  domain  of  politics,  and 
Ripley  undoubtedly  felt  that  there  was  not  only  the 
mutual  rivalry  of  brigades,  with  one  of  which  he 
was  so  prominently  and  closely  associated,  but 
that  he  had  also  to  defend  himself  from  the  enmity 
and  attacks  of  his  superior  officer,  and  of  others, 
who,  from  whatever  cause,  under  the  shelter  of 
Brown's  name  and  encouragement,  had  waged  an 


♦Port  Folio. 


i,.j&'  i^iW^-JlSSTK'  •  ■  ■  • 


ravel, and 
January, 
eived  the 
s  wife  to 
was  the 
of  Pitts- 
lutionary 
agazine,* 
tie  writer 
id  of  pain 
who  had 
tions,  and 
suffering, 
ansidered 
le  contin- 
ice,  which 
necessary 
ng  health 
motion  a 
ict,  which 

exist  in 
litics,  and 
»tonly  the 

which  he 
iated,  but 
he  enmity 
of  others, 
shelter    of 

waged  an 


Military  Life— 1812-1815. 


T0 


imjust  and  calumnious  Warfare  upon  his  reputation. 
He  had  disapproved  of  Brown's  move  rrjint  into 
Canada,  when  it  was  made;  he  had  not,  for  per- 
sonal glory  and  from  undervaluation  of  the 
bravery,  strength  and  skill  of  the  enemy,  proposed 
on  the  2-kh  and  the  morning  of  the  25th,  as  Scott 
had,  to  march  with  a  single  brigade  to  Burlington 
Heights,  a  project  which  was  soon  proved  by 
events  to  be  wholly  impracticable;  when  ordered  by 
Brown,  on  the  morning  after  the  battle  of  Lundy's. 
Lane  to  return  to  the  battle  field,  he  had  dared  by 
his  persistency,  to  save  the  army  in  the  face  of 
Brown's  exasperation  and  displeasure.  On  the 
other  hand  conscious  that  whenever  advising,  he 
frankly  had  done  so  upon  his  personal  responsibili- 
ty and  to  the  best  of  his  ability,  and  that  whenever 
acting  he  had  performed  his  whole  duty,  he  felt 
keenly  the  attacks  that  were  made  upon  him. 
He  shrank  not  from.but  courted  a  public,  a  solemn 
and  official  investigation  of  his  military  conduct. 
He  desired  that  all  the  facts  should  be  presented 
in  authentic  shape  for  the  impartial  judgement  of 
his  countrymen,  and  so  as  not  to  be  distorted  upon 
the  pages  of  history.  Upon  these  he  did  not 
wish  to  be  measured  by  the  standard  prepared  for 
him  by  interested  foes  or  military  i-ivals  and  aspir- 
ants. 

As  we  have  already  seen  only  one  witness  had 
been  partly  examined  when  the  Court  of  Inquiry 
was  unexpectedly  dissolved  by  an  order  dated  the 
4th  of   May,  1815,  with  ostensible  reasons  highly 


V  kl 


*  f 


■d 


.!| 


J'fc 


.^    *^ 


mmmm 


timfmimimii^imil^ 


1-i  ':il  ■'., 

m 


In 


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■"■ Ill, 


B-v 


i>ii 


h?!.l  ii-:  ' 

■f     1  'Vt 


76         Life  of  Eleazer  Wheelock  Ripley. 

gratifying  to  his  feeling  and  honorable  to  his  rep- 
utation. The  current  of  public  opinion  flowed 
strongly  in  his  favor.  Congress  voted  him  a  gold 
medal,  for  his  gallant  conduct  at  Chippewa,  Lun- 
dy's  Lane  and  Fort  Erie,  testimonials  of  esteem 
on  every  hand  reminded  him  that  his  countrymen 
appreciated  his  services  and  at  last,  even  Brown 
himself,  whatever  may  have  been  his  mental  res- 
ervations and  secret  animosity,  felt  constrained  to 
contribute  the  following  letter  to  his  vindication: 

Washington  City,  May,  1815. 

Sir:— My  report  of  the  7th  of  August,  created 
an  impression  in  relation  to  General  Ripley  which 
I  by  no  means  intended.  I  did  not  intend  to  im- 
plicate his  courage,  his  talents  or  his  zeal. 

In  this  report  I  stated  that  1  had  given  him 
orders  to  m,eet  and  beat  the  enemy  on  the  morn- 
ing of  the  26th  of  July.  This  order  was  not  given 
until  after  the  command  of  the  army  had  devolved 
entirely  upon  General  Ripley,  and  I  am  full}  <  on 
vinced  that  circumstances  afterwards  oci;)|j  leu  io 
satisfy  the  judgment  of  Gen.  Ripl}'  that  the  onjei' 
could  not  be  executed. 


that 


Justice  to  myself,  as  well  as  the  army,  require 
I  should  make  this  statement. 

I  am  etc., 

(Signed)  Jacob  Brow?j. 


Hon.  Alexander  A.  Dallas, 


fSKm 


j^aMrfjr;?, 


T 


■y- 

his  rep- 
n  flowed 
m  a  gold 
wa,  Lun- 
■  esteem 
intrymen 
n  Brown 
ntal  res- 
rained  to 
idication: 

1815. 

;,  created 
ey  which 
d  to  im- 
1. 

;iven  him 
[le  morn- 
not  given 
tlfcvolved 

nib  'f'" 

ujjflL'cl  to 
tlife  oi 


y,  require 


B  BROWKf. 


I 


I"-' 


Military  Life--1812-1815. 


"77 


Upon  its  face  the  letter  would  indicate  the  gen- 
erosity and  frankness  of  a  noble-hearted  8oMief> 
anxious  to  repair  an  unintended  inji:ry  to  a  brave 
and  gallant  comrade.  The  repwration  to  be  satis- 
factory and  complete  required  a  publicity  co-ex- 
tensive with  the  unintended  and  undeserved  wrong. 
Yet  subsequent  disclosures,  made  many  years  after 
both  had  been  consigned  to  their  tombs,  throw  a 
shadow  upon  the  sincerity  and  magnanimity  of 
Brown,  and  th^t  while  endeavoring  to  ingratiate 
himself  with  John  Q.  Adams,  just  elevated  to  the 
presidency,  he  was  engaged  in  prejudicing  the 
mind  of  the  latter  against  Ripley. 

In  his  diary  under  date  of  November,  1825, 
Adams  gives  this  exposure  of  Brown's  feelings. 
"Brown,  general,  with  whom  I  resumed  and  fin- 
ished the  conversation  concerning  the  postmaster 
general,  Mr.  McLean^and  H.  Lee,  of  whom  I  spoke 
to  him  as  I  felt.  I  had  also  read  through  and  re- 
turned to  him  his  manuscript,  narrative  and  docu- 
ments, relating  to  the  Niagara  campaign  of  1814. 
His  opinion  of  Ripley's  shrinking  from  responsi- 
bility, the  influence  under  which  he  altered  his 
report  to  the  war  department,  containing  an  im- 
plied charge  against  Ripley,  and  gave  him  a  cer- 
tificate of  good  conduct  under  a  promise  that  it 
should  be  confidential  and  never  published,  the 
subsequent  allusion  to  it  by  Ripley  in  a  publica- 
tion, and  the  interposition  of  Mr.  Dallas  and  Mr. 
Monroe  to  pacify  these  differences  were,  in  all 
their  details,  new  to  me.     Brown  thinks   that  the 


If, 


w 


78         Life  of  Eleazer  Wheelock  Ripley. 

anxiety  to  retain  Ripley  as  a  New  England  man  in 
the  service  as  major  general  at  the  reduction  of 
the  army  in  1816,  was  to  propitiate  a  powerful  in- 
fluence of  Mr.  Monroe's  electioneering  party  for 
the  then  ensuing  election  of  P.  U,  3. 


} 


:#■ 


tfk 


d  man  in 
iction  of 
erful  in- 
>arty  for 


CHAPTER  II. 

Upon  the  return  of  peace,  the  army  was  re- 
duced to  a  peace  establishment  and  was  re-organ- 
ized. Two  Major  Generals,  Jackson  and  Brown, 
and  four  Major  Generals  by  brevuet,  Macomb, 
Gaines,  Scott  and  Ripley  were  retained  in  the  ser- 
vice. Macomb  entered  the  army  in  1801  as  second 
lieutenant  of  dragoons.  Gaines  entered  the  ser- 
vice in  1799  as  second  lieutenant  in  the  6th  infan- 
try; Scott  followed  him  in  1808  as  captain  of  light 
artillery,  and  Ripley  followed  him  in  1812  as  lieu- 
tenant colonel.  The  United  States  was  divided 
into  two  military  divisions,  Jackson  being  assigned 
to  the  command  of  the  southern  and  Brown  of  the 
northern,  and  General  Ripley  was  assigned  to 
duty  in  the  division  of  the  latter,  and  on  the  27th 
of  May,  1815,  issued  orders  upon  assuming  com- 
mand of  his  department,  which  included  New 
Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  Connecticut  and 
Rhode  Island.  He  immediately  started  upon  a 
tour  of  inspection  and  upon  his  route  was  greeted 
by  the  most  gratifying  demonstrations  of  the  deep 
hold  that  he  had  secured  in  the  hearts  of  his  old 
friends  and  neighbors.  He  was  met  and  escorted 
into  Portland  by  a  large  cavalcade  irrespective 
of  party.  Bath  greeted  him  with  enthusiasm,  and 
when  he  visited  Hanover,  his  native  town,  he  was 
received  with  every  mark  of  respect  and  personal 
attachment,  and  was   presented   by   the    citizens 


''M 


^™^ 


^-ri^'•l^^«!«^;^»'4;*f«.■^l;« 


80 


Life  of  Eleazer  WTieelock  Ripley. 


'^     .;    ■.       '.  til 


with  a  sword  *  as  a  testimonial  of  their  apprecia- 
tion of  his  gallant  services  in  behalf  of  his  coun- 
try. The  surrounding  circumstances  brought  to 
mind  in  vivid  contrast  his  departure  from  them 
a  few  years  previous,  a  poor  youth  to  seek  his 
fortunes  upon  the  frontier  of  Maine,  and  his  then 
position  as  a  major  general  in  the  army  of  the 
United  States,  a  distinction  won,  when  only  thirty- 
three  years  of  age,  for  gallant  and  meritorious 
conduct  on  the  field. 

His  headquarters  were  fixed  at  Boston,  and 
while  here  his  notice  was  attracted  to  a  recent 
publication,  which  abounded  in  the  grossest  mis- 
representations of  the  conduct  of  the  American 
army  at  the  capture  of  York,  (Toronto)  in  upper 
Canada.  Indignant  at  such  a  perversion  of  facts, 
which  if  true,  discredited  the  army  and  placed 
them  upon  a  level  with  a  horde  of  marauding  van- 
dals, he  hastened  to  repel  the  unjust  and  malig- 
nant imputations;  and  to  place  the  history  of  the 
affair  in  its  true  colors;  he  addressed  the  following 
letter,  intended  for  publication,  to  his  old  com- 
mander. General  Dearborn: 

Headquartkrs,  Boston,  Aug.  15,  1815. 

Sir:-— I  take  the  liberty  to  state  the  occur- 
rences at  York,  after  the  capture  of  that  place  by 
the  American  force  on  the  27th  of  April,  1813. 
You  will  then  e  able  to  determine  how  much 
truth  there  is  in  the  work  entitled   'A  Continua- 


lit 

..." ! 


i 


'H 


i% 


i^S*' 


♦Niles'  Reg.,  Vol,  ii,  p.  62. 


^■■1 


*«!»5JJ/?1/: ;..,,. 


pprecia- 
is  coun- 
:)ught  to 
m  them 
seek  his 
his  then 
ly  of  the 
y  thirty- 
ritorious 

iton,  and 
a  recent 
seat  mis- 
American 
in  upper 
1  of  facts, 
d  placed 
iing  van- 
id  malig- 
ry  of  the 
following 
old  com- 


1815. 

he  occur- 
place  by 
)ril,  1813. 
3w  much 
Continua- 


,,*K1HW 


'^V^7- 


J'ence  KstfihJisJunoiit — lS/5-JS'JO. 


81 


tion  of  Goldsmith's  History   of  England,"   so  far 
as  relates  to  the  following  article. 

Previous  to  the  place  being  carried,  an  order 
had  been  issued  by  the  ever  to  be  lamented  and 
gallant  Oeneral  Pike,  prohibiting  every  species  of 
plundering  or  depredation  under  the  penalty  of 
death.  After  the  capitulation,  a  guard  was  post- 
ed in  the  town,  by  direction  of  General  Dearborn, 
to  carry  this  order  into  the  strictest  effect.  As 
field  officer  of  the  day,  during  the  first  night,  I 
had  occasion  rei)eatedly  to  visit  the  guard  and  al- 
ways discovered  it  extremely  vigilant  and  atten- 
tive. The  next  morning  I  had  occasion  about 
seven  or  eight  o'clock  to  visit  the  town.  I  met  a 
straggler  of  the  voliuiteers  with  his  knapsack  full 
of  plate.  I  ascertained  it  belonged  to  a  lady,  the 
daughter  of  Honorable  Judge  Powell;  it  was  im- 
mediately returned  to  her.  I  reported  the  cir- 
cumstance to  General  Dearborn,  who  ordered 
the  man  confined,  and  directed  me  to  order  up 
the  21st  regiment  under  the  command  of  Major 
Grafton  to  the  town,  for  the  purpose  of  protecting 
the  inhabitants.  The  officers  were  quartered  in 
the  town,  and  the  system  established  was  for  sen- 
tinels to  be  stationed  to  prevent  depredation 
whenever  it  was  requested.  If  this  regiment  did 
its  duty,  it  will  at  once  be  perceived  that  there 
could  be  no  plundering;  and  that  it  did  perform 
its  duty  will  appear  from  several  circumstances; 
that  the  knapsack  of  every  man  was  searched 
previous  to  embarking.and  not  an  article  of  plund- 
ered property  was  found;  that  the  inhabitants  oi 


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82  Life  of  Elcazer  Wheelock  Ripley. 

York  were  particular!}'  pleased  with  their  deport- 
ment in  the  city,  and  on  every  occasion  testified 
their  gratitude  for  their  protection  and  when  Cap- 
tain Pelhaui  was  wounded  and  taken  prisoner  at 
Chrystler's  Field,  no  sooner  was  it  known  that  he 
was  on  dutj'  in  the  regiment  which  protected  the 
property  of  the  inhabitants  of  York,  than  at  the 
intercession  of  many  respectable  officers  of  the 
British  army,  he  was  parolled  by  Sir  George  Pro- 
vost, on  that  very  account  expressed  in  his  letter, 
notwithstanding  other  officers  at  the  same  time 
were  imprisoned  under  the  question  of  retaliation 
agitated  between  the  governments  of  the  two  na- 
tions; an  instance  of  liberality  which  shows  that  acts 
of  courtesy  and  kindness  were  properl}-^  appre- 
ciated by  that  officer. 

Previous  to  the  21st  regiment  being  ordered 
to  the  city  of  York,  two  buildings  that  had  been 
evacuated  and  stood  detached,  had  been  stripped 
of  many  valuable  articles  and  a  schooner  (private 
property)  was  also  destroj-^ed.  When  these  facts 
were  made  known  to  Major  General  Dearborn, 
he  instantly  ordered  the  claims  for  damages  to  be 
liquidated,  and  payment  to  be  made.  It  was  done. 
In  the  case  of  the  property  taken  from  the  build- 
ings, it  was  made  to  the  proprietors  personally. 
111.  that  of  the  schooner,  as  the  owner  was  absent 
from  town.  Major  General  Dearborn  sent  the 
money  to  Judge  Scott,  who  receipted  for  it. 

When  the  place  was  captured,  large  stores  of 
flour,  feed  and   peas    were   found   in   the   depot. 


-m^ 


Mm] 

Ml; 


WMi 


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jir  deport- 
m  testified 
when  Cap- 
•rieoner  at 
wn  that  he 
jtected  the 
lan  at  the 
L;ers  of  the 
;orge  Pro- 
i  his  letter, 
same  time 
retaliation 
rie  two  na- 
kvs  that  acts 
jrly  appre- 

ig;  ordered 
had   been 
:n  stripped 
ler  (private 
these   facts 
Dearborn, 
nages  to  be 
[t  was  done, 
the  build- 
personally, 
was  absent 
ti    sent  the 
or  it. 

re  stores  of 
the  depot. 


«;^V,' 


y-«s^s«^(j«»w.^'^f^w»)*r-M?«^i^fl*«cr?.'-rj?rrtBSt'. 


■r»i«;a.w,-«  ^if^w^T^T:" 


^■^Kf.*' 


<^ace  Establishment— 1815-1820. 


83 


Agreeably  to  the  articles  of  capitulation,  these 
were  delivered  to  us.  Major  General  Dearborn 
directed  a  large  proportion  of  them  to  be  deliv- 
ered to  the  needy  in  the  city,  and  particularly  to 
the  widows  and  families  of  the  British  and  Cana- 
dian soldiers  who  had  been  killed  in  the  action. 
In  addition  to  this,  co  ij>"^erable  quantities  were 
deposited  with  the  clergymen  of  the  place  to  be 
distributed  in  a  similar  manner. 

I  have  seen  many  British  officers,  who  have 
always  complimented  our  forces  for  their  liberali- 
ty of  conduct  on  this  occasion,  manifested  at  York, 
and  the  inhabitants  had  applauded  it  in  such  for- 
cible terms,  that  they  had  even  been  accused  of 
disloyalty  by  the  British  army.  As  respects  the 
manner  in  which  York  was  stated  to  be  evacuated, 
in  the  work  to  which  I  have  alluded,  it  is  perfectly 
incorrect.  The  object  of  striking  York  at  the 
opening  of  the  campaign,  was  solely  to  destroy 
the  frigate  building  there,  and  the  military  and 
naval  depot.  The  first  object  was  effected  in 
order  to  ensure  our  control  of  Lake  Ontario  dur- 
ing the  campaign  of  1813.  The  second,  with  a 
view  to  destroy  the  military  depot,  from  whence 
the  right  and  central  division  of  the  army,  under 
Generals  Proctor  and  Vincent,  drew  their  sup- 
plies; and  the  naval  depot,  to  paralyze  the  effort^ 
of  the  British  in  building  ships  on  Lake  Erie.  It 
was  settled  before  the  army  left  Sackett's  Harbor, 
these  objects  accomplished,  the  division  would 
sail  for  Niagara  and  operate  against  Fort  George. 


i 


Ik 


-1 


84  Life  of  JSleazer  Whcelock  Ripley. 

After  the  reduction  of  that  post,  the  arm}'^  was  to 
concentrate,  by  means  of  the  fleet  on  Lake  Onta- 
rio, and  reduce  Kingston.  I  will  add  that  when 
we  abandoned  York,  no  British  were,  to  mj' 
knowledge,  nearer  than  Fort  George  on  one  side, 
and  Kingston  on  the  other. 

Yours  respectfully, 

E.  W.  Ripley. 
Maj.  Gkn.  Dkarborn.  *        Maj.  Gen.  U.  S.  Army. 

The  conduct  ot  the  American  troops  at  York, 
as  thus  described  by  General  Ripley,  was  in 
marked  contrast  with  that  exhibited  about  the 
same  time  by  British  troops  at  San  Sebastian, 
Spain.  In  a  letter  from  that  place,  by  the  Editor 
of  the  New  York  Christian  Advocate,  published 
Januar>'  I7th,  1889,  the  editor,  after  describing  the 
capture  of  the  forts  occupied  by  the  French,  writes: 

"Notwithstanding  the  fact  that  the  people  of 
San  Sebastian  hailed  the  arrival  of  th3  allies,  the 
English  soldiers,  after  the  victory,  obtained  access 
to  the  wine  and  spirit  vaults,  became  drunk,  and 
put  the  town  to  fire  and  sword.  They  robbed  the 
houses,  massacred  the  inhabitants,  fearfullj^  out- 
raged women,  and  finally  set  fire  to  the  dwelling- 
houses.  Women  without  clothes  and  old  men 
filled  with  wounds  fled  to  the  mountains,  and 
died  of  hunger.  Every  building  in  the  city,  ex- 
cept thirty-eight,  of  which  two  were  churches  used" 
as  hospitals,  was  burned,  and  all  the  records,  civil 
and  ecclesiastical,  consumed.  How  far  the  offi- 
*Niles'  Reg.,  Vol.  9,  p.  160. 


T!'j\yag^^f^^;fam»^mifi'x0Fm^^m^<fff^ 


ly  was  to 
ike  Onta- 
hat  when 
e,  to  n\y 
one   side, 


PLEY. 

vS.  Arm}'. 

at  Yo:.-k, 
,  was  in 
ibout  the 
Sebastian, 
le  Editor 
published 
ribing  the 
:h,  writes: 

people  of 
Hies,  the 
led  access 
link,  and 
abbed  the 
Full)'  out- 
dwelling- 

old  men 
ains,    and 

city,   ex- 
::hes  used" 
)rds,  civil 

the    offi- 


Peace  Esta blishment— 1815-1820. 


85 


cers  of  the  army  were  responsible  has  been  a  mat- 
ter of  debate  ever  since.  The  English  accounts 
say  they  did  all  they  could  to  check  the  devasta- 
tion, but  this  seems  incredible." 

The  next  year  he  received  orders  transferr- 
ing him  to  the  southern  division,  commanded   by 
Jackson,  with  his  head  quarters  at    New  Orleans, 
where  he  arrived  in  January,  1817,    and    was    re- 
ceived by   a   salute   from   Fort  S^     Charles.     On 
his  way  to  New  Orleans,    he    visit .  d  Jackson   at 
Nashville,  Tennessee,  who  was  at   that   time   ex- 
tremely solicitous  that  Colonel   Drayton  of   South 
Carolina,  should  be  appointed  by  President    Mon- 
roe as  Secretary  of  War  in  the    formation    of    his 
first  cabinet.     Drayton  had    been    a    pronounced 
federalist  and  opponent  of  the    party,    to    which 
Monroe  and  Jackson  belonged,  but  when  war  was 
finally  declared,  regardless  of  party   feelings,  he 
enlisted  in  its  prosecution  with  patriotic  and   un- 
faltering zeal.     This,  with  his  acknowledged  abil- 
ity, attracted  the  notice  and   secured  the   friend- 
ship of  Jackson   and  drew  from   the   latter  that 
memorable    letter,     dated    November    12,     1816, 
which,   many  years   afterward,   was  destined   to 
play  an  important  part  in  securing  Jackson's   own 
elevation  to  the  presidency.     In  a  previous   letter 
he  had  strongly  urged  the   appointment  of   Dray- 
ton for  Secretary   of  War.     In   this,  he   renewed 
his  efforts  in  this  direction,  and  in   the  course   of 
it  said,  "Since  my  last  to  you,  in  which  this  sub- 
ject was  named,  General  Ripley  k-'s  arrived   here, 
who  heartily  concurs  with  me  in  the  opinion   that 


'4 


as»**- 


B|H 


''^tyff^ 


r^^ 


m 


S6 


Life  of  Eleazcr  Wtwelock  Ripley 


Colonel  Drayton  is  the  best  selection  that   can   be 
made  *  *  *  ♦  Everything  depends    on   the   selec- 
tion of  your  ministry.     In   every  selection,   party 
and  party  feeling  should  be  avoided.     Now  is  the 
time  to   exterminate    the    monster    called    party 
spirit.     By  selecting  characters  most  conspicuous 
for  their  probity,  virtue,   capacity  and   firmness, 
without  any  regard  to  party,  you   will  go   far  to, 
if  not  entirely  eradicate  those  feelings  which,   on 
former  occasions,  threw  so  many  obstacles  in   the 
way  of  government,  and  perhaps  have   the   pleas- 
ure and  honor  of  uniting  a  people   heretofore  po- 
litically divided.     The  chief  magistrate  of  a  great 
and  powerful   nation,    should    never    indulge   in 
party  feelings."     This  letter  subsequently  enlisted 
many  prominent  federalists  in  an  ardent   support 
of  Jackson  for  the   presidency,   but  did  not  suc- 
ceed in  convincing  Monroe   of  the   propriety   of 
making  the  suggested  appointment.     He   replied 
at  great  length  and  with  great  candor,   ad>'  rting 
to  the  course  of  the  federal    party,   to  his   belief 
that  some  of  its  leaders  were   unfriendly   to   our 
system  of  government,  but  that  the   dangerous 
purposes  ascribed  to  some  of  the  leaders  were  nev- 
er adopted,  "if  they  were  known,"  especially  in  their 
full  ex^^ent,  by  any  large  portion    of   the    federal 
party,  but  were  confined    principally    to    certain 
leaders,  and  they  mostly  to  the  eastward;"  but  he 
adds,  "to  give  effect  to  free  government,   and  se- 
cure it  from  future  danger,  ought  not  its   decided 
f /iends,  who  stood  firm  in  the  day  of  trial,  be  prin- 
cipally relied  on?"     Would  not  the  association  of 


*pm^Kif«f)^^ 


ley. 

at  can  be 
the  selec- 
:ion,  party 
Now  is  the 
lied  party 
anspicuous 
[  firmness, 
go  far  to, 
which,  on 
cles  in  the 
the  pleas- 
etofore  po- 
;  of  a  great 
indulge  in 
tlj^  enlisted 
nt  support 
d  not  suc- 
ropriety  of 
tie   replied 

ad>'  rting 
»  his  belief 
dly   to   our 

dangerous 
3  were  nev- 
ally  in  their 
:he  federal 
to  certain 
ird;"  but  he 
nt,  and  se- 
its  decided 
ial,  be  prin- 
30ciation  of 


Peace  Establishment— 1815-1820.  87 

any  of  their  opponents  in  the  administration  itself, 
wound  their  feelings,  or  at  least  of  very  many  of 
them,  to  the  injury-  of  the  republican  cause?"  *  *  * 
My  impression  is,  that  the  administration  should 
rest  strongly  on  the  republican  party,  indulging 
to  the  oftier  a  spirit  of  moderation,  and  evincing 
a  disposition  to  discriminate  between  its  members, 
and  to  bring  the  "whole  into  the  republican 
fold  as  quietly  as  possible."  Mr.  Monroe  sub- 
sequently concluded  to  appoint  General  Jackson 
himself,  but  refrained  from  doing  so,  upon  inform- 
ation through  a  friend  of  the  latter  that  he  did 
not  wish  to  be  nominated.  Subsequently  Mr. 
Calhoun  was  nominated  and  accepted. 

The  correspondence  between  Jackson  and 
Monroe  remained  unpublished  for  seven  years, 
neither  anticipating  its  publication,  and  when  pub- 
lished it  became  conspicuous  in  the  polit^':al  and 
turbulent  contests  of  the  day,  which  extended 
during  the  subsequent  turbulent  administration 
of  General  Jackson  as  president,  and  afforded  a 
memorable  illustration  that  as  "times  change  we 
change  with  them." 

In  April,  1817,  General  Jackson  issued  an 
order  to  his  subordinate  officers  not  to  obey  any 
order  emanating  from  the  war  department,  unless 
coming  through  him  as  the  organ  of  communica- 
tion. The  president  was  in  a  strait  between  his 
acting  secretary  of  war  on  the  one  hand  and  Gen- 
eral Jackson  on  the  other,  and  did  nothing,  until 
finally  the  question  was  brought  to    an    issue    by 


4»^ 


*SWr;^''!PT^#*?'')t  fipffRWflwl*  ■■ 


'  'ISBTSiA"*"^ 


■:s<^-' 


M: 


1 4 


sO, 


I'fef. 


3?- 


hi'ill 


5.9 


Z///e  of  Bleazvr  Wheelock  Riplej'. 


the  refusal  of  General  Kipley,  in  obedience  to 
this  order  of  General  Jackson,  refusing  to  obey  an 
order  from  the  war  department.  He  promptly 
reported  the  facts  to  his  superior  officer.  Jack- 
son at  once  assumed  the  responsibility  of  the  act, 
and  on  the  14th  of  August  wrote  to  the  j)resident 
justifying  his  own  conduct. 

When  Mr.  Calhoun  came  into  the  war  depart- 
ment, he  promptly  decided  that  "on  ordinary  oc- 
casions orders  from  that  department  would  issue 
only  to  the  commanding  generals  of  divisions,  and 
in  cases  where  the  services  required  a  different 
course,  the  general-in-chief  would  be  notified  of 
the  order  and  with  as  little  delay  as  possible."  At 
the  same  time,  he  addressed  a  private  letter  to 
Jackson  explanatory  of  the  order  and  his  views, 
which  was  highly  gratifj^ing  to  Jackson.  The  in- 
cidents here  referred  to  indicate  the  militar}'  re- 
lations and  the  good  feelings  that  existed  between 
Jackson  and  Riplej'^  and  which  were  carried  by 
them  into  private  life. 

In  addition  to  the  duties  incident  to  his  com- 
mand, General  Ripley  was  also  employed  upon 
extra  service  in  projecting  and  seeing  to  the  es- 
tablishment of  fortifications  and  to  other  work  for 
the  better  security  of  the  territor}-^  falling  within 
the  limits  of  his  military  department.  . 

In  1820,  tired  probably  of  the  inaction  incident 
to  a  time  of  peace,  he  resigned  his  commission  in 
the  army,  and  resumed  the  practice  of  his  profes- 
sion in  New  Orleans.     He  soon  after  became  in- 


>3ftii*^'"' 


■■'o|WH[as>kr^#«r. . 


dience  to 
to  obey  an 

promptl}' 
:er.  Jack- 
of  the  act. 

j)re8idcnt 

ar  depart- 
[linary  oc- 
ould  issue 
Lsions,  and 
I  different 
lotified  of 
able."  At 
!  letter  to 
his  views, 
1.  The  in- 
lilitarj'  re- 
d  between 
;arried  by 

0  his  com- 
)yed  upon 
to  the  es- 
r  work  for 
ng  within 

>n  incident 
mission  in 
liis  profes- 
)ecanie  in- 


ProJ^ssioiml  nntl  PoliticnJ. 


^ 


'■M^' 


volved  in  a  protracted  and  unpleasant  controversy 
with  the  government,  relative  to  the  adjustment 
of  his  accounts,  and  in  1822  the  government  insti- 
tuted a  suit  against  him  as  a  defaulter.  After  the 
lapse  of  years,  obtaining  a  decision  against  the 
government,  the  latter,  by  a  writ  of  error,  canied 
the  case  before  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States,  where  it  was  tried  in  Januar3^  1833,  ex  par-^ 
te  on  the  part  of  the  government.  Judge  McLean 
delivered  the  opinion  of  the  court,  and,  after  lay- 
ing down  the  principles  which  should  govern  in 
adjudicating  upon  the  claims  of  the  defendant,  re- 
marked that  "the  distinguished  services  rend- 
ered bj  the  defendant  during  the  late  war  are  ad- 
vantageously known  to  the  country;  but  the  claims 
set  up  in  the  case  under  consideration,  must  be 
brought  within  the  established  rules  on  the  sub- 
ject, before  they  can  receive  judicial  sanction. 
And,  as  in  the  opinion  of  the  court,  the  district 
court  erred  in  their  instructions  to  the  jury,  which 
were  given  without  qualification,  the  judgment 
must  be  reversed  and  tne  cause  remanded  for 
further  proceedings." 

With  this  decision  for  a  guide,  the  case  again 
came  up  for  trial  in  the  inferior  court  in  1835,  when 
the  jury  return'- d  a  verdict  in  his  favor  for  $20,- 
596.12. 

At  the  session  of  Congress  in  1836  the  char- 
acter of  this  prosecution  was  brought  to  the  notice 
of  the  Senate  by  Mr.  Hubbard  of  New  Hampshire, 
who,  in  an  able  speech,  exposed  its  injustice,  and 
effected  the  passage  of  a  bill  directing  the  pay- 


'  ii 


~^\ 


■>  ■ti^o: ' "  '.'»*!  *y  ',»iTW*'*«»y  ^'^yw^vt'^'^'ff'y*''; 


•.■'^-- 


'^"■S'.'-i"'""^*" 


Si' 


I     ■„  ...  , 


J     ''.; 


i'^if.-- 


«ll!:-- 


00 


Life  of  Elemer  IVheelock  Ripley. 


mcnt   of  a   part   of  the   amount  awarded  by   the 
jury. 

These  proceedings  dispelled  any  prejudice 
remaining  againnt  his  conduct  as  a  public  officer^ 
but  could  not  repair  the  inroads,  which  a  keen 
sense  of  injury  and  injustice,  sustained  through 
so  many  years,  had  made  upon  his  health. 

After  returning  to  the  bar,  he  was  soon  en- 
gaged in  an  extensive  practice,  but  at  the  same 
time  was  deeply  interested  in  developing  the 
great  agricultural  and  commercial  resources  of 
his  adopted  state  by  a  wise  and  liberal  system  of 
internal  improvements.  With  these  feelings,  he 
became  a  member  of  a  Board  of  Commissioners  of 
Internal  Improvements,  which  was  established, 
consisting  of  Henry  Johnson,  governor  and  ex- 
officio  president  of  the  board,  E.  W.  Ripley,  Phil. 
Thomas,  Colonel  Olivier,  H.  Bry  and  Jacque  Vil- 
lere.  A.8  soon  as  the  Board  organized,  a  plan  of 
operation  was  agreed  upon  and  the  duties  of  each 
member  designated,  embracing  an  examination  of 
the  country  in  which  he  resided.  In  1826  General 
Ripley  and  General  P,  Thomas  examined  what 
are  called  the  Florida  Parishes,  situated  between 
the  Mississippi  and  Pearl  Rivers.  Governor  John- 
'  son  and  General  Villere  examined  the  parishes 
composing  the  then  first,  second  and  fourth  ju- 
dicial districts.  Governor  Johnson  and  Colonel  Oli- 
vier the  parishes  of  Attakapas  and  Opilousas,  and 
Mr.  Bry  examined  the  north-western  parishes. 
The  improvemen  tof  the  Bayou  Plaquemine  being 


^aesi^sai. 


'■•T^,Vf'^ 


3d  by   the 

prejudice 
(lie  officer, 
ch  a  keen 
i  through 
th. 

J  soon  en- 
the  same 
oping   the 
sources   of 
system  of 
eelings.  he 
ssioners  of 
stablisbed, 
or  and  ex- 
pley,  Phil, 
acque  Vil- 
l,  a  plan  of 
lea  of  each 
nination  of 
^26  General 
lined  what 
jd  between 
ernor  John- 
le   parishes 
fourth  ju- 
Colonel  Oli- 
ilousas,  and 
n  parishes, 
mine  being 


Professional  and  Political. 


PI 


conaidered  of  very  great  importance,  was  exam* 
ined  by  the  whole  Board. 

In  November,  1826,  the  members  met  in  New 
Orleans  and  presented  in  writing  the  results  of 
their  examination,  agreed  upon  the  substance  and 
form  of  the  report,  and  confided  to  General  Ripley 
the  duty  of  drawing  it  up,  which  he  did,  accom- 
panied by  some  general  views  calculated  to  awak- 
en and  stimulate  public  interest  on  the  subject 
of  internal  improvements.  This  report  to  tlie 
legislature,  so  written,  was  signed  by  all  the 
members,  except  General  Villere,  who  was  absent 
when  it  was  presented  to  the  Board.  In  enlarge 
ingupon  the  subject,  the  commissioners  said: 
"While,  however,  the  commissioners  are  sensible 
of  many  defects,  they  have  the  consolation  aris- 
ing from  the  reflection  that  they  have  made  their 
greatest  efforts,  however  humble  may  be  its  claim, 
to  advance  the  prosperity  and  welfare  of  Louisi- 
ana. 

"The  subject  of  internal  improvements  they 
deem  of  transcendent  importance;  not  only  the 
present  generation  will  feel  its  beneficial  effects; 
but  it  will  impart  its  character  to  future  age  and 
posterity  will  hail  with  gratitude  that  legisl  ture 
which  first  cotnmenced  the  mighty  work.  We 
hope  and  trust  that  it  will  rapidly  progress.  With 
the  just  pride  of  citizens  of  the  American  Repub- 
lic, we  have  seen  the  gigantic  strides  of  some  of 
our  sister  states. 

"New  York,  possessing  about  the  same  area  as 


? 

1 


*d\ 


■J  'M?;}Ur 

Mi. 


ill! 


Pi 


;ii:iP';i 


■■I 


5>^  X//e  o/  Eleazer  IVheelock  Ripley. 

Ivonisiana,  has  the  merit  of  taking  the  lead,  and  hai;* 
thrown  civilized  Europe  in  the  back  ground ,  by 
the  boldness  of  her  plans  and  the  rapidity  of  their 
execution.  Next  to  he^"  is  the  young  state  of  Ohio, 
which  is  now  excavating  a  canal  of  niore^  than  three 
hundred  miles  along  a  tract  of  country,  which, 
thirty  years  since  was  inhabited  only  by  savages. 
Other  states  have  caught  the  generous  enthusiasm, 
and  the  most  intense  emulation  has  been  excited  in 
a  cauf  e  calculated  to  develop  all  the  local  re- 
sources, and  to  advance  rapidly  the  prosperity  of 
the  individual  states. 

"And  will  Louisiana  pause  on  a  subject  so  in- 
teresting to  her  welfare?  Will  her  citizens  re- 
main in  apath)^,  when  they  see  the  enterprise  of 
New  York  already  extending  its  system  of  canals 
to  the  very  banks  of  the  lakes,  and  opening  cheap 
water  transportation  to  the  shores  of  the  Hudson 
for  immense  regions,  which  heretofore  have  been 
considered  indissolubly  united  with  the  great  par- 
ent of  our  western  rivers?  Shall  we  slumber  in 
.trarquillity,  when  we  behold  the  spirit  of  the  age, 
and  the  enterprise  that  supporting  a^  d  supported 
by  our  free  constitution,  is  opposed  by  no  obsta- 
cles and  tired  by  no  exertion?  An  enterprise  that 
has  already  broken  down  the  Alleghany  and  is, with 
rapid  progress,  bringing  the  waters  of  the  Ohio 
and  Mississippi  to  mingle  with  the  Hudson. 

"Your  commissioners  fondly  anticipate  that 
the  enlightened  legislature  of  the  state  is  thorough- 
ly awakened  to  the  importance  of  this  subject. 
Supported  by  public  opinion,  we  have  no  doubt 


ilfl^*'^ 


T 


^m 


lead,  and  haift 
;  gTotiiid,  by 
ditj  of  their 
tate  of  Ohio, 
re?  than  three 
ntry,  which, 
by  savages, 
i  enthusiasm, 
en  excited  in 
-he  local  re- 
prosperity  of 

mbject  so  in- 
-  citizens  re- 
jnterprise  of 
em  of  canals 
>ening  cheap 

the  Hudson 
re  have  been 
he  great  par- 
e  slumber  in 
■it  of  the  age, 

d  supported 
by  no  obsta- 
iterprise  that 
ly  and  is.with 

of  the  Ohio 
[udson. 
iticipate  that 
eisthorough- 
this  subject. 
Lve  no  doubt 


Profess:onal  and  Political. 


93 


they  will  enter  with  energy  upon  the  career  of 
internal  improvement,  and  impart  to  every  sec- 
tion of  Louisiana,  already  so  advantageously 
placed,  by  the  bounty  of  providence,  those  ame- 
liorations, which  are  necessary  to  advance  her  high- 
est prosperity."  '^^ 

Such  appeals  were  not  in  vain,  and  in  the  course 
of  a  few  years,  not  only  were  large  amounts  ex- 
pended upon  local  objects,  but  the  gigantic  scheme 
of  connecting  New  Grl;ians  and  Nashville  by  a 
railroad  was  conceived  and  commenced.  A  worthy 
and  patriotic  spirit  pervaded  the  people.  New 
Orleans  subscribed  liberally  to  the  undertaking, 
the  state  advanced  its  credit  for  a  portion  of  the 
work,  the  coffers  of  individuals  were  generously 
opened  to  push  on  the  enterprise,  when  the  monied 
crisis  of  1837  burst  upon  the  land,  and  broken 
banks,  universal  distress  and  prostrated  credit, 
suspended  the  prosecution  of  the  work.  Gradually 
recovering  from  the  effects  of  this  sudden  blow, 
with  confidence  restored,  her  population  aug- 
mented, her  agriculture  flourishing,  her  commerce 
wonderfully  increased  and  expanded,  the  public 
mind  of  Louisiana  again  reverted  to  works  of  inter- 
nal improvements,  and  the  state  can  now  point  to 
her  splendid  system  of  railways  and  her  water 
commimications  as  indicating  that  she  has  not 
been  idle  by  the  side  of  her  sister  states  in  the 
march  of  improvement  and  the  development  of 
her  agricultural  and  commercial  interests. 

In    the  presidential  contest  of  1828,  between 


'\J] 


'jL^^fWfl 


&4         Life  of  Eleazer  Wheelock  Ripley. 

Jackson  and  Adams,  General  Ripley  warmly  sap- 
ported  the  former,  his  personal  and  political  friend, 
and  was  the  author  of  the  address  issued  to  the 
people  of  Louisiana  by  the  democratic  state  con- 
vention. After  glancing  at  the  early  career  of  the 
rival  candidates  and  the  military  conduct  of  Jack- 
son in  subduing  the  Creek  Indians,  the  address 
pays  a  glowing  tribute  to  his  character,  and  closes 
with  the  following  allusion  to  the  duty  of  Louisi- 
ana: 

"In  the  approaching  election,  Louisiana  has 
a  more  important  part  to  perform  than  any  of  her 
mster  states.  It  was  here  that  Jackson  gathered 
his  brightest  laurels.  In  defense  of  our  city  and 
all  its  endearing  relations,  he  displayed  the .  no- 
blest exertions  of  heroic  virtue.  *  «  * 
•  *  While  he  (Mr.  Adams)  was  favorable 
to  a  stipulation  in  the  treaty  of  Ghent,  to 
give  to  England  for  a  limited  time,  the  free  navi- 
gation of  the  Mississippi,  and  thus  afford  to  En  - 
glish  capitalists  and  subjects,  the  entire  control  of 
our  commerce  and  commercial  towns;  General 
Jackson  was  hastening  through  trackless  deserts 
to  our  defence.  The  glorious  renown  which  we 
acquired  under  his  auspices,  is  our  dearest  inheri- 
tance; it  has  made  the  name  of  Louisiana  respected 
throughout  the  world;  his  fame  and  that  of 
our  fair  capital  are  indissolubly  connected  to  the 
latest  posterity.  The  annals  of  every  age  have 
associated  the  battlefields  of  freedom  with  the 
chief  by  whose  skill  and  valor  the  bright  trophy 
has  been  achieved.  The  names  of  Jackson  and  New 


-M 


•■"'Sift:, 


annly  sap- 
tical  friend, 
4ued  to  the 
;  state  con- 
ireer  of  the 
ict  of  Jack- 
tie  address 
,  and  closes 
'-  of  Louisi- 

Liisiana  has 
I  any  of  her 
1  gathered 
XT  city  and 
2d   the.  no- 

i  favorable 
Ghent,  to 
free  navi- 
ford  to  En  • 
e  control  of 
s;  General 
ess  deserts 
I  which  we 
rest  inheri- 
a  respected 
nd  that  of 
cted  to  the 
y  age  have 
[1  with  the 
ight  trophy 
3n  and  New 


I^rofessional  and  Political. 


95 


Orleans  are  destined  to  remain  united  through 
every  future  generation.  Together  they  will  adorn 
the  pages  of  impartial  history;  together  they  will 
excite  *he  efforts  of  the  pencil;  together  they  will 
awaken  the  inspiration  of  the  bard,  And  shall 
posterity  say  that  we  have  been  ungrateful  to  our 
great  benefactor?  No,  fellow  citizens,  such  last- 
ing disgrace  will  not  darken  the  bright  pages  of 
our  history.  Jackson  is  the  choice  of  this  state — 
the  Louisianians  are  brave  and  they  admire  his 
valor — they  are  patriotic,  and  they  respect  his 
ardent  love  of  country —  they  are  generous  and  en- 
thusiastic, and  they  will  evince  their  heart-felt 
gratitude  to  the  savior  of  the  state." 

The  whole  address,  pervaded  with  the  spirit 
of  the  preceding  extract,  ^.vas  unanimously  adopt- 
ed as  was  also  a  resolution  presenting  the  thanks 
of  the  convention  "to  General  Ripley,  and  the 
committee,  for  the  able  and  eloquent  address 
which  the  convention  has  adopted."  Six  thousand 
copies  of  the  address  and  the  proceedings  of  ihe 
convention  were  ordered  published,  half  in  French 
and  half  in  English.  The  convention  consisted  of 
some  of  the  most  distinguished  citizens  of  Louisi- 
ana, conspicuous  for  many  years,  in  the  history  of 
the  state,  and  was  presided  over  by  Bernard 
Marigriy,  a  name  so  well  known  throughout  the  val- 
ley of  the  Mississippi,  during  the  irst  half  of  the 
century. 

At  this  time.  New  Orleans,  through  its  press 
and  the  spirit  of  its  inhabitants,  and  through  com- 


*5!<f. 


I     IJ 


m 


MkK 


96 


Life  of  Eleazer  Wheelock  Ripley. 


mercial  relationB,  exerted  great  influence  over  all 
the  vast  region  watered  by  the  Mississippi  river 
and  its  tributaries.  The  recollection  of  common 
achievements  in  subduing  Indian  atrocities  and 
in  conquering  British  invaders,  was  a  chord  which, 
when  once  touched,  vibrated  in  sympathy  upon 
the  hearts  of  the  western  people.  The  address  of 
the  Louisiana  convention,  reflected  this  feeling 
and  aroused  it  to  action.  It  swept  along  with  re- 
sistless might,  and  the  magnetic  influence,  the 
personal  popularity,  and  the  zealous  efforts  of 
the  imperious  Clay,  were  unable  to  stay  its  prog- 
ress, but  sank  before  it,  and  in  the  election  that 
followed,  not  only  Louisiana,  but  all  the  states 
west  of  the  AUeghanies,  gave  their  undivided  elec- 
toral votes  to  Jackson,  who  was  elected  president 
over  John  Quincy  Adams  by  one  hundred  and 
seventy-eight,  to  eighty -three  electoral  votes.  At 
the  next  presidential  election.  Clay  himself  being 
the  candidate  in  opposition  to  Jackson,  whose 
bank  policy  had  been  the  object  of  bitter  and  vio- 
lent attack,  fared  no  better  than  Adams,  and  was 
beaten  by  a  vote  of  219  to  49,  although  he  sue- . 
ceeded  in  securing  the  vote  of  Kentucky. 

General  Ripley  subsequently  removed  to  the 
parish  of  East  Feliciana,  and  represented  th'^  sen- 
atorial district,  composed  of  that  and  the  parish 
of  West  Feliciana,  in  the  state  senate,  during  the 
session  of  1832.  The  pages  of  the  vSenate  Journal 
for  this  session  bear  testimonj^  to  the  energj^  of 
his  character,  the  spirit  of  his  principles  and  his 
assiduity  in  the  discharge   of  his   public  duties. 


ley. 

ze  over  all 
dppi  river 
f  common 
cities  and 
ord  which, 
athy  upon 
address  of 
lis  feeling 
g  with  re- 
iience,  the 
efforts  of 
its  prog- 
Bction  that 
the  states 
rided  elec- 
president 
id  red  and 
votes.  At 
self  being 
on,  whose 
ir  and  vio- 
?,  and  was 
ti  he    suc- 


ved  to  the 
id  th'?  sen- 
:he  parish 
during  the 
ite  Journal 
energj'^  of 
s  and  his 
lie   duties. 


Professional  and  Political. 


97 


Among  the  important  questions  that  agitated  the 
senate  at  this  time  was  one  to  pledge  the  faith  of 
the  state  in  favor  of  the  Union  Bank  of  Louisiana, 
and  another,  was  a  resolution  instructing  the 
members  of  Congress  from  the  state,  to  vote  in 
favor  of  the  re-charter  of  the  Bank  of  the  United 
States.     He  was  opposed  to  both  propositions. 

The  condition  of  that  numerous  class,  which 
is  employed  upon  our  western  waters  and  the 
diseases  and  misfortunes  to  which  they  are  ex- 
posed, had  enlisted  his  sympathies  and  made  him 
anxious  to  devise  measures  for  their  comfort. 
For  this  purpose  he  introduced  a  resolution,  with 
a  view  to  memorializing  Congress  Jo  establish  a 
marine  hospital  on  the  western  waters. 

Among  the  pleasing  duties  which  devolved 
upon  him  at  this  session,  was  that  of  presenting, 
as  chairman  of  the  committee,  a  resolution  express- 
ing the  gradtude  of  the  state,  to  Edward  Livings- 
ton, for  the  criminal  code  compiled  by  him,  and 
directing  the  donation  to  him  of  a  gold  medal. 
For  this  eminent  citizen,  General  Ripley  enter- 
tained profound  friendship  and  respect  and 
had  been  one  of  the  most  active  and  influen- 
tial persons  in  securing  Livingston's  election 
to  the  United  States  Senate  in  1829.  Livingston 
at  this  period  had  become  one  of  the  most  eminent 
of  American  statesmen,  philanthropists  and  ju- 
rists. ■,-'■.  ■'"'/■ 

In  addition  to  his  civil  services,  Livingston 
had   acquired    a   strong    hold    upon    the    affec- 


W 


.'S  i 


\i. 


^1^ 


Ml 


Mn 


08  Life  of  Eleazer  WheeJock  Ripley. 

tiaas  of  the  people  of  Louisiana,  by  the  efKcient 
and  vahiable  aid  he  rendered  in  repelling  the  Brit- 
ish invaders  of  her  soil  in  1815. 

Belonging  to  the  same  political  party  and  an- 
imated by  a  like  high  sense  of  honor,  Jackson  and 
Livingston,  colleagues  in  Congress,  towards  the 
close  of  the  last  century,  had,  during  their  con- 
gressional service,  formed  a  mutual  attachment 
that  remained  unbroken  during  subsequent  years. 
When  the  former  as  military  commander,  rushed 
to  the  defence  of  New  Orleans,  he  found  Livings- 
ton animated  with  a  stern  spirit  of  resistance  and 
ready  as  volunteer  '^id  to  render  all  possible  assis- 
tance. This  proved  so  valuable,  that  he  received 
the  most  gratifying  commendations  from  his  he- 
roic chief.  With  such  claims  upon  the  gratitude 
of  the  state.  General  Ripley  was  drawn  to  the  sup- 
port of  Livingston  for  the  United  States  Senate 
in  1829,  by  the  similarity  of  their  political  views 
and  the  confidence  he  felt  in  the  wise  influence 
which  Livingston  could  exert  at  Washington. 

Hence  he  became  warmlj'-  enlisted  in  the  suc- 
cessful movement  to  send  Livingston  to  the  Sen- 
ate, which  result,  combined  with  Jackson's  per- 
sonal friendship,  doubtless  led  soon  after,  in  1831, 
to  the  transfer  of  Livingston  from  the  Senate  to 
the  President's  Cabinet  as  Secretary  of  State. 
The  President  had  fully  tested  his  patriotism,  his 
zeal,  and  his  ability  in  their  personal  and  political 
relations  in  Congress,  and  in  military  operations; 
he   now  felt  that  he    could  safely  confide   in  the 


■-.-<i^WT'W«i-'  ■ 


jm^-' 


ley. 

le  efficient 
g  the  Brit- 

rty  and  an- 
ackson  and 
3wards  the 
their  con- 
attachment 
uent  years, 
ler,  rushed 
id  Livings- 
istance  and 
sible  assis- 
le  received 
rom  his  he- 
2  gratitude 
to  the  sup- 
ites  Senate 
tical  views 
e  influence 
ington. 

in  the  sue- 
to  the  Sen- 
kson's  per- 
ter,  in  1831, 
e  Senate  to 
r  of  State, 
riotism,  his 
nd  political 

operations; 
iide   in  the 


Professional  and  Political. 


99 


prudence  and  patriotism  of  Living  ^ton  as  an  ad- 
viser, amid  the  storms  which  threatened  his  ad- 
ministration. Of  the  wisdom  that  prompted  ':hi8 
exchange  from  the  Senate  to  the  Cabinet,  Ban- 
croft, the  historian,  says: 

"The  salvation  of  the  country  turned  on  the 
right  interpretation  of  the  principles  of  democ- 
racy. Jefferson,  its  early  leader,  was  no  more,  but 
Madison  lived  long  enough  to  expound  its  acts 
and  resolutions  of  former  days;  and  Jackson  as 
President  of  the  United  vStates,  having  Livingston 
as  his  adviser,  gave  authority  to  that  exposition. 
Who  that  lool*  i  back  upon  those  days  does  not 
rejoice  that  the  chief  magistrate  was  Jackson,  and 
that  his  adviser  was  Edward  Livingston,  who  to 
the  clearest  perceptions  and  the  finest  purpose 
added  a  calm,  conciliating  benignity  and  the  ven- 
erableness  of  age,  enhanced  by  a  world-wide  fame." 

As  Secretary  of  State,  Livingston  drew  the 
draft  of  that  memorable  Nullification  Proclama- 
tion of  Jackson,  in  December,  1832,  which  placed 
that  grand  seal  of  reprobation  upon  the  conduct 
of  South  Carolina  and  her  doctrine  of  the  right  of 
secession.  It  also  indicated  not  only  the  calm 
judgment,  the  fixed  determination,  and  undying 
loyalty  to  the  Union  of  the  president,  but  also  a 
fuller  and  more  complete  exposition  of  the  utter- 
ances of  Livingston  in  Congress,  on  the  21st  of 
June,  1798,  on  the  alien  and  sedition  laws. 

Strong  as  was  the  popular  feeling  in  favor  of 
electing  Livingston  to  the  Senate,  an  unexpected 

LofC.  .   > 


It 

i 


i 


1,  (j 


^4 


•  ii 


a- 


?^; 


if 


100         Life  of  Eleazer  Wheelock  Ripley. 

opposition  sprang  up  from  some  local  questions 
in  which  the  people  of  the  Florida  Parishes  were 
deeply  intercepted  and  which  threatened  to  prove 
serious  to  the  friends  of  Livingston,  unless  re- 
moved. This  was  happily  accomplished  through 
the  intervention  of  General  Ripley,  upon  whose 
suggestion,  Honorable  Cade  D.  Strickland,  a  mem- 
ber of  the  legislature  from  those  parishes,  ad- 
dressed a  letter  to  Livingston,  who  gave  a  re- 
sponse that  proved  satisfactory.  In  this  he  ex- 
plained not  only  what  course  ought  to  be  taken  in 
justice  to  all  parties  as  to  the  local  matters  re- 
ferred to,  but  also  expressed  the  opinion  that 
senators  should  be  governed  by  the  instructions 
of  the  general  assembly  of  the  state  which  they 
represent.  ". 


questions 
ishes  were 
[1  to  prove 
unless  re- 
ed through 
pon  whose 
nd,  a  mem- 
rishes,  ad- 
^ave  a  re- 
:his  he  ex- 
be  taken  in 
natters  re- 
pinion  that 
nstructions 
which  they 


■-r 


CHAPTER  III. 

in  1832,  General  Ripley  was  a  andidate  for 
Congress  in  the  second  congressional  district  of 
Louisiana  which  lay  east  of  the  Mississippi  river, 
but  was  defeated  by  a  small  majority.  He  was 
returned,  however,  at  the  next  election  in  1834,  as 
a  member  of  the  24th  Congress  and  was  re-elected 
in  1836,  by  an  overwhelming  and  most  flattering 
majority. 

When  a  candidate,  his  views  >vere  fully  ex- 
plained upon  the  various  political  questions  which 
at  that  period  agitated  the  public  mind,  and  which 
for  a  long  time  continued  to  occupy  and  divide 
public  opinion.  He  clearly  and  emphatically  con- 
demned the  doctrine  of  nullification,  was  hostile 
to  the  incorporation  of  a  national  bank  as  unau- 
thorized by  the  constitution,  took  early  and 
advanced  ground  in  favor  of  donating  the  public 
land  to  actual  settlers,  rmd  advocated  the  consti- 
tutionality of  the  Tariff  of  1828,  although  favoring 
its  modification,  and  gave  his  views  upon  the 
question  of  Internal  Improvements. 

In  1831,  when  a  candidate  for  the  state  senate, 
the  substance  of  the  queries  propounded  to  him 
embraced  three  distinct  subjects:  Ist,  the  revenue 
laws  of  the  country  as  embodied  in  the  Tariff  of 
1828;  2d,  the  power  of  Congress  to  appropriate 
money  for  Internal  Improvements;  3d,  the  con- 


'•^1 


^h 


",»"f!&'-,^S|f«5l'*W." 


JC.f. 


fO'J         Life  of  f^Ieazcr  ll'hcelock  Ripley. 


't 

% 


.* 


I'jyi- 


I    1 


otitiitional   power   of  CougrcHs  to   incorporate   a 
national  bank. 

In  a  ftpeech  delivered  in  April,  18IU,  and  pub- 
lished in  coiniection  with  a  letter  dated  October, 
1831,  he  fully  and  frankly  answered  these  ques- 
tions. He  treated  the  Tariff  in  two  aspects:  1st, 
its  constitutionality;  2d,  its  expediency.  In  the 
discussion  of  the  first  head,  he  said:  "liy  the  pres- 
ent constitut'on,  the  people  of  the  diffdent  states 
have,  by  a  mutual  compact,  jjarted  with  a  portion 
of  the  state  sovereignt}'  and  vested  it,  without  an'}' 
provision  for  its  recall,  in  a  national  government. 
The  states,  then,  had  their  general  sovereignty 
limited  by  the  powers  delegated  to  the  general 
government,  while  the  national  government,  on 
the  contrary,  has  its  jjowers  limited  by  the  very 
enumeration  of  powers  contained  in  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  United  wStates,  and  particularly  by  the 
Articles  of  Amendment.  But  both  sover- 
eignties, thus  limited,  derive  their  powers  from 
the  same  source,  to  wit:  the  people  of  the  sever- 
al states.  They  have  seen  fit,  instead  of  impart- 
ing them  to  one  government,  either  of  the  state 
or  the  United  States,  to  divide  thein,  to  commit 
certain  powers  with  their  necessary  attributes  to 
the  national  government,  and  deprive  the  states 
of  them,  and  to  retain  the  residue  to  the  states  re- 
spectively. Thus  in  fact,  rendering  neither  of 
these  governments  the  possessor  of  the  whole  at- 
tributes of  sovereignty;  but  only  in  part.  They 
possessed  the  power  to  modify  their  social  com- 
pact as  they  pleased.     They  coi;ld  have  done  away 


,-l;„,. 


yf;fi'^-!--i..<\. 


,  and  pub- 
l  October, 
lese  ques- 
pects:  Ist, 
y.     In  the 

Y  the  pres- 
tcnt  states 
1  a  portion 
ithout  any 
(vernuient. 
overeignty 
le  general 
ntnent,   on 

Y  the  very 
e  Constitn- 
irly  by  the 
th  sover- 
)wers  from 

the  sever- 

of  impart- 
if  the  state 
to  commit 
tributes  to 

the  states 
le  states  re- 

neither  of 
e  whole  at- 
part.  They 
social  com- 
e  done  away 


ProfcssionnJ  and  Political. 


103 


with  a  national  or  state  government  entirely,  if  they 
had  ^^hought  proper.  They  are  the  source  of  all 
legitimate  power,  possessing  the  right  to  build  up 
the  social  edifice  with  what  dimensions  they 
please. 

"The  real  structure  of  our  form  of  government, 
then,  appears  to  me  to  be  this:  that  the  people 
have  determined  to  divest  the  states  of  specific 
attributes  of  sovereignt}',  vesting  them  in  a  nation- 
al government,  and  they  have  gone  further,  and 
in  certain  enumerated  cases,  have  prohibited  the 
exercise  of  certain  enumerated  powers  to  the 
states  respectively.  The  national  government 
then,  derives  its  existence  from  the  same  source 
which  the  state  governments  do — the  compact  of 
the  people  of  the  states.  It  is  within  the  limits  of 
its  sovereignty  as  purely  popular  in  its  origin  as 
the  state  government — resting  on  a  similar  basis, 
that  of  its  having  been  enacted  by  "We  the  people 
of  the  United  States." 

kiter  enlarging  upon  this  point  and  quoting 
the  Articles  of  the  Constitution,  which  give  Con- 
gress the  exclusive  right  of  laying  and  collecting 
taxes,  duties,  imposts  and  excises,  and  to  regulate 
commerce  with  foreign  nations  and  among  the 
several  states  and  with  the  Indian  tribes,  he  says: 
"When  I  examine  the  tariff  of  1828,  I  find  it  an 
act  to  lay  duties  on  certain  imports  and  that  the 
sole  provisions  relate  to  duties  aud  imposts  upon 
articles  of  merchandise  imported  into  the  United 
States.  I  am  therefore  brought  irresistably  to  the 
conclusion  that  the  act  is  within  the  limits  of  the 


I 


cl 


imfi 


1 


104        Life  of  JBIeazer  Wheelock  Ripley. 

power  delegated  to  Congress  and  is  therefore  con- 
stitutional." ♦  ♦  ♦  ♦  "The  other  text  of 
the  constitution,  the  power  to  regulate  commerce 
with  foreign  nations  is  equally  comprehensive. 
That  power  is  a  sovereign  power,  which  the  people 
of  the  United  States  have  vested  in  Congress. 
Its  meaning  is,  that  the  whole  mode  by  which  our 
interchange  of  commodities  to  be  carried  on  with 
foreign  nations  shall  be  vei^ted  in  the  government 
of  the  United  States.  This  power  is  always  car- 
ried into  effect  in  such  a  manner  as  shall  most  con- 
duce to  the  interest  of  the  nation  adopting  a  par- 
ticular system.  In  our  system,  we  have  resorted 
to  many  changes  at  different  epochs  of  our  history, 
according  to  our  peculiar  wants.  ♦  •  ♦  * 
After  the  adoption  of  the  constitution,  it  becamo 
evident  that  unless  we  imposed  high  duties  upon 
foreign  vessels.  Great  Britain  from  her  superior 
skill  at  that  time,  from  the  cheapness  of  her  labor, 
and  from  the  amount  of  her  capital,  would  under- 
bid our  ship-owners  in  our  own  ports  for  freight, 
and  thus  monopolize  the  whole  carrying  trade  of 
the  United  States.  This  lead  Congress  in  1789  to 
impose  tonnage  duty  on  foreign  vessels  eight 
times  greater  than  on  American  ships,  and,  in  ad- 
dition, to  lay  ten  per  cent  extra  duties  on  merchan- 
dize imported  in  them,  in  order  to  protect  the 
industry  of  our  citizens  as  applied  to  navigation, 
and  under  the  auspices  of  these  fostering  pro- 
visions of  navigation,  naval  forces  nave  grown  up 
until  they  have  arrived  at  a  point  where  they  can 


'fv^':':  ■•( 


ley. 

refore  con- 
ler  text  of 
commerce 
irehensive. 
the  people 

Congress. 

which  our 
ed  on  with 
overnment 
ilways  car- 
1  most  con- 
iting  a  par- 
ve  resorted 
our  history, 
•       ♦       * 

,  it  became 
Juties  upon 
sr  superior 
Df  her  labor, 
ould  under- 

for  freight, 
ing  trade  of 
j8  in  1789  to 
sssels  eight 
;,  and,  in  ad- 
on  merchan- 

protect  the 
)  navigation, 
stering  pro- 
ve grown  up 
ere  they  can 


ProfoHsionnl  and  Political. 


105 


v^x 


proudly  and  gallantly  enter  the  lists  with  all  na- 
tions, cither  in  peace  or  war." 

As  to  the   expediency  of  that  tariff,  he   con- 
cluded as  follows: 

"The  advocates  of  the  tariff  as  well  as  the 
nullifiers  in  my  opinion,  ought  to  reflect  upon  the 
wound  which  at  this  moment  is  being  inflicted 
upon  the  relations  of  the  Union.  The  southern 
planters  feel  that  the  duties  on  hemp,  iron  and 
woolens  are  high,  and  that  they  operate,  as  an  op- 
pressive tax  upon  these  articles  of  first  necessity 
to  the  agricultural  interests  of  the  South.  Now 
let  the  advocates  of  the  tariff  consent  to  its  modi- 
fication. There  is  no  legislation  which  so  rouses 
the  feelings  of  every  American  freeman,  as  an 
onerous  tax.  They  will  qiake  any  sacrifice  if  their 
courtrj'  is  invaded — they  suffer  privation  in 
its  defense  without  a  murmur.  But  if  a  tax 
be  imposed,  which  they  conscientiously  be- 
lieve oppressive,  all  the  indignant  feelings  of 
freemen  swell  in  their  bosoms.  Those  feelings 
are  honorable;  sometimes  they  may  be  misdi- 
rected; but  they  are  sentiments  interwoven  with 
our  very  existence,  and  have  taught  us  to  resist 
aggression  from  whatever  quarter  it  may  come. 

"Let  the  advocates  of  the  tariff  respect  these 
feelings,  and  do  not  attempt  ungenerously,  be- 
cause in  a  majority,  to  force  oppressive  duties  on 
the  whole  south,  to  build  up  their  own  manufac- 
turing interests;  let  them  consent  to  a  moderate 
reduction  of  the  tariff  of  1828,  on  articles  of  ne- 


% 

'»',■■ 


■A 
^■1 


W-S-. 


•t 


,.>i 

••.*.! 


.'« 


l^ 


m 


Sa 


■  ■'.ii»^>>^n^v , 


mf^mam 


jvi' y s' -'^v ''  'S»  ■;^v"'i>' 


14 'IK  ,1^' 


100        Life  of  Eleazer  Wheelock  Ripley, 

cessity,  and  every  disoardant  feeling-  will  be  al- 
layed. On  the  other  hand,  I  do  hope  that  the 
doctrine  of  nullification  will  no  longer  be  heard 
in  the  land.  It  is  a  doctrine  which  I  view  as 
menacing  with  the  most  deadly  calamity  that 
Union,  under  which  we  have  so  long  prospered, 
and  'Aiiich  in  so  interwoven  with  all  the  proud  as- 
(sociations  of  American  history.  Let  us  exercise 
our  constitutional  rights,  in  petitions  to  Congress, 
armed  with  the  force  of  public  opinion,  to  obtain 
a  modification  of  the  obnoxious  duties,  but  let  us 
abstain  from  all  menaces  which  are  directed  at 
the  principles  of  the  National  Constitution." 

Upon  the  subject  of  Internal  Improvements, 
he  avowed  his  lielief  that  Congress  1  .d  the  power 
to  make  military  roads,  remarking  that  "it  must 
occur  to  ever}'  candid  politician  of  every  party, 
that  the  national  government,  entrusted  with  the 
power  of  peace  and  war,  authorized  to  raise  armies 
and  build  forts,  has  the  necessary  power  of  con- 
structing military  roads  so  as  to  supply  them  with 
arms,  food  and  clothing."  He  was  also  inclined  to 
the  opinion  that  Congress  "had  the  power  to  make 
post  roads,  as  the  constitution  expressl}^  granted 
the  power  to  establish  post  offices  and  post 
roads,"  that  upon  consulting  dictionaries,  he  found 
the  word  establish  to  mean  to  build  upon,  to 
found,  to  create,  to  make,  that  to  make  was  the 
construction  placed  upon  the  word  b}^  Mr.  Lowndes 
of  South  Carolina  and  by  Mr.  Livingston  of  Louisi- 
ana. ,  . 

Upon  the  head  of  improving  navigable  rivers. 


'pier- 

•  will  be  al- 
)pe  that  the 
;r  be  heard 
1  I  view  as 
ilamity  that 
J  prospered, 
he  proud  as- 

iis  exercise 
to  Congress, 
ion,  to  obtain 
es,  but  let  us 
?  directed  at 
tution." 
iprovements, 

.d  the  power 
Lhat  "it  must 

every  party, 
sted  witVi  the 
3  raise  armies 
ower  of  con- 
ply  them  with 
[so  inclined  to 
(Ower  to  make 
essly  granted 
;es     and   post 
iries,  he  found 
did   upon,   to 
make  was  the 
'■  Mr.  Lowndes 
ston  of  Louisi- 

k^igable  rivers, 


Professional  and  Political. 


107 


he  argued  that,  under  the  constitution,  Congress 
had  the  power  to  regulate  commerce  with  foreign 
nations  and  with  the  different  states,  and  in  the  exer- 
cise of  this  power  had  established  custom  houses 
on  navigable  waters^  had  required  all  vessels  nav- 
igating them  of  ten  tons  burden  or  upwards,  to 
pay  duties  for  an  annual  license,  and  had  assumed 
this  jurisdiction  over  the  navigable  river  courses 
of  the  United  States  ever  since  the  adoption  of 
the  constitution.  That  the  question  raised  as  to 
the  power  of  Congress  to  levy  a  tax  upon  the  citi- 
zens of  a  state  for  the  privilege  of  navigating  a 
river  within  the  state  would  be  more  difficult  to 
decide,  j^et  he  must  be  a  strong  advocate  for 
state  rights,  who  would  con.tend  that  Congress  has 
power  over  a  river,  to  lay  a  tax  and  yet  could 
not  appropriate  a  part  of  that  tax  to  improve  that 
very  river."  It  appeared  to  him  he  said:  "that 
if  we  on  the  Mississippi  are  compelled  to  pay 
this  tax,  that  it  is  equally  constitutional  for  Con- 
gress to  expend  it  in  improving  the  river,  the  nav- 
igation on  which  it  is  levied," 

These,  he  adds,  "are  the  only  cases,  where  I 
believe  Congress  has  the  power,  which  are  gen- 
erally termed  Internal  Improvements,  within  the 
limits  of  a  state;  and  I  consider  every  one  as  de- 
ducible  from  the  powers  granted  in  the  constitu- 
tion. The  people  of  the  states  have  given  these 
powers,  and  the  people  only  have  a  right  to  take 
them  away.  They  hav  been  consecrated  by  the 
usages  of  every  administration,   and   1   conscien- 


-4' 


",J 


Ml 


5's^fi?^" 


rllSl 


i^ 


108        Life  of  Eleazer  Wheelock  Ripley. 

tiowsly  think  have  been  granted  by  the  people  of 
the  states  to  the  national  government. 

"The  various  other  projects  of  cutting  canals, 
making  national  roads,  I  believe  to  be  constitu- 
tional, only  so  far  as  they  are  actually  necessary 
as  military  roads,  or  as  post  roads;  or  are  projects 
for  improving  navigable  water  courses,  where 
government  collects  a  duty  on  vessels  of  ten  tons 
and  upwards." 

A.8  to  an  United  States  Bank,  he  said,  "Many 
men  of  high  character  and  whose  opinions  are  en- 
titled to  weight,  differ  from  myself  on  the  subject, 
and  I  know  that  my  sentiments  are  in  direct  op- 
position to  a  decision  of  that  high  tribunal,  the  Su- 
preme Court  of  the  United  States.  . 

"In  1811,  the  question  of  renewal  of  the  old 
bank  of  the  United  States,  if  I  recollect  correctly, 
was  discussed  in  the  legislature  of  a  sister  state, 
of  which  I  was  then  a  member.  It  was  introduced 
in  consequence  of  a  resolution  offered  to  instruct 
the  senators  and  representatives  of  the  state  in 
Congress  to  vote  against  the  renewal  of  the  old 
bank,  on  the  ground  it  was  unconstitutional.  This 
resolution  I  voted  for.  I  thought  that  the  charter 
of  the  bank  was  unconstitutional,  not  from  any  hos- 
tility to  the  institution,  but  I  was  of  opinion  that 
Congress  had  no  power  to  establish  a  national 
bank  given  to  them  by  the  people.  No  such 
power  is  enumerated;  and  it  strikes  me  that  it 
would  be  a  forced  construction,  to  say  that  it  was 
necessary    to   carry   into   effect    the   enumerated 


»J: 


people  of 

Kg  canals, 
;  conetitu- 
necessary 
■e  projects 
es,  where 
)f  ten  tons 


id,  "Many 
3ns  are  en- 
he  subject, 
direct  op- 
lal,  the  Su- 

of  the  old 
:  correctly, 
sister  state, 
introduced 
to  instruct 
lie  state  in 
of  the  old 
onal.  This 
the  charter 
jm  anyhos- 
)pinion  that 

a  national 
.  No  such 
me  that  it 

that  it  was 
enumerated 


pTotessionnl  and  Political. 


109 


powers.  I  have  had  no  reason  to  change  this  opin- 
ion. On  the  contrary,  the  fact  that  Mr.  Jefferson 
mentions  that  in  the  original  draft  of  the  consti- 
tution, there  was  such  a  power  given  which  was 
stricken  out  (in  order  to  render  the  constitution 
palatable  to  Pennsylvania,  where  there  were 
strong  prejudices  against  banking)  convinces  me 
that  there  does  not  exist  any  power  in  Congress  to 
incorporate  a  national  bank  out  of  the  District  of 
Columbia." 

When  a  candidate  in  1834,  he  was  again  ap- 
proached with  a  multitude  of  questions,  embrac- 
ing not  only  the  topics  already  answered  in  1831, 
but  involving  the  nicest  and  most  metaphysical 
doctrines  growing  out  of  the  constitutional  rela- 
tions of  the  states  to  the  general  government. 

In  his  reply,  he  dwelt  with  apparent  pleasure 
upon  the  confirmation  which  his  views,  advanced 
in  1831,  had  subsequently  received  from  the  action 
of  the  president,  by  his  memorable  nullification 
proclamation,  by  his  veto  of  the  Maysville  Road 
Bill,  by  the  popular  condemnation  of  the  re-charter 
of  the  United  States  Bank,  and  by  the  re-adjust- 
ment of  the  tariff  effected  under  the  leadership  of 
Henry  Clay,  by  the  Compromise  Act  of  1832-33. 

In  commenting  upon  the  tariff,  he  said:  "I  do 
not  think  it  policy  to  force  a  factory  system  by 
any  other  protection  than  that  which  is  incident  to 
raising  a  revenue.  To  place  thousands  of  our 
young  men  and  women  as  laborers  in  the  walls  of 
a  factory;  to  subject  them  to  the  caprice  of  one  or 


If 


^ 
f"^ 


KgESKIK- 


:OT'!'    «■!* 


•iiip 


no         Life  of  Eleazer  JVheelock  Ripley. 

two  capitalists  and  dependent  on  their  nod  for 
daily  wages,  would  rear  up,  in  the  manufacturing; 
districts,  a  dependent  race  of  beings,  and  nourish 
a  state  of  society  which,  like  that  of  England,  will 
form  the  germ  of  aristocracy  and  pauperism. 

Far  better  would  it  be  for  our  free  institutions 
to  give  away  our  public  lands  to  rising  genera- 
tions for  the  mere  cost  of  surveying  (perhaps  ten 
cents  an  acre)  in  half  sections  to  families,  and 
quarter  sections  to  unmarried  men,  on  condition 
of  settlement,  than  to  rear  them  up  dependent 
beings  within  the  walls  of  a  ivictory.  It  we  thus 
dispose  of  the  public  lands,  they  being  no  longer 
available  fluids  to  the  treasary;  the  present  grad- 
ual reduction  would  probably  not  more  than  meet 
the  frugal  expenditures  of  the  country  for  many 
years  to  come. 

How  much  more  salutary  would  such  a  course 
be,  than  a  forced  system  of  protection  to  factories. 
If  the  public  lands  were  to  be  granted  to  actual 
settlers  in  convenient  tracts,  the  whole  valley  of 
the  Mississippi  would,  before  long,  teem  with  a 
prosperous  and  industrious  population,  owning 
the  lands  on  which  they  were  settled.  A  squatter 
on  the  i3ublic  lands  would  be  unknown,  for  he 
would  be  converted  into  the  proprietor  of  the 
soil.  His  industry  would  be  directed  to  schools, 
roav  and  those  social  relations  which  mark  the 
independent  freeman.  And  if  the  time  ever  ar- 
rives when  liberty,  with  all  her  blessings,  should 
be  chased  from  our  cities  by  venality  and  corrup- 


ir  nod  for 
lufacturing: 
xid  nourish 
igland,  will 
)erism. 

institutions 
ng  g^nera- 
)erhaps  ten 
milies,  and 
11  condition 
dependent 
It  we  thus 
r  no  longer 
esent  grad- 
i  than  meet 
y  for  manj^ 

ich  a  course 
to  factories, 
d  to  actual 
le  valley  of 
eem  with  a 
ion,    owning 

A  squatter 
own,  for  he 
ietor  of  the 
i  to  schools, 
h  mark  the 
me  ever  ar- 
iings,  should 

and  corrup- 


Professional  and  Political. 


Ill 


tion,  she  would  fall  back  upon  her  natural  protect- 
ors, the  brave  and  hardy  yeomanry  of  the  land, 
where  her  altars  would  be  secure." 

In  replying  to  other  questions,  his  opinions 
are  developed  by  the  following  extracts  with  ref- 
erence to  nullification. 

"My  cTonclusions,  therefore,  are  that  there  is 
no  constitutional  remed}^  against  a  law  passed  by 
Congress,  excepting  those  pointed  out  and  enu- 
merated above;  to  wit:  instructions,  remonstrance, 
the  checks  provided  in  passing  the  law  that  should 
be  sanctioned  by  the  House  of  Representatives — 
pass  the  Senate — be  approved  by  the  president — 
expounded  by  the  Supreme  Court — and  at  last  be 
confirmed  by  a  majority  of  the  people  of  the 
states;  by  the  ballot  box  at  another  election;  and 
finally  the  right  of  amendment  and  impeachment. 

"But  say  the  advocates  of  nullification,  the 
majority  of  the  people  will  become  corrupt  and 
oppress  the  minority.  To  this  I  answer,  the  ma- 
jority in  a  single  sta^r  may  become  corrupt  and 
oppress  the  minority  in  their  legislation.  They 
may  be  corrupt  in  the  very  act  of  nullification. 

"This  argument  deduced  by  the  advocates  of 
ntdlification  proves  too  much,  if  it  proves  any- 
thing. It  is  at  war  with  the  very  principles  of 
free  government.  Despots  have  said  that  the 
people  would  be  corrupt  and  incapable  of  gov- 
erning themselves,  and  that  a  free  government 
would  degenerate  into  a  tyranny. 

"The  advocates  of  free  government,  on  the 


C-i 


\    • 


Pi-  ^ 


l11   Xv 


3# 


'k, 


'"'Ut 


-  :;'.SS«'- 


^-...■,- 


^':J*f^'^'  ■ 


■'i"jf" 


lt2        Life  of  Eleazer  Wheelock  Ripley. 

other  hand,  have  alleged  that  the  majority  of  the 
people  were  honest,  and  properly  educated  in  our 
system  of  government,  they  would  not  wish  to 
oppress  their  fellow  men. 

"The  historj'^  of  our  country  has  so  far  evinced 
that  they  are  capable  and  willing  to  correct  all 
abuses.  They  have  invariably  so  acted  during 
our  brief  but  glorious  career.  It  does  appear  to 
me  that  it  is  a  poor  compliment  to  the  cause  for 
which  our  fathers  shed  their  blood,  that  a  small 
minority  should  denounce  the  vast  majority  of  the 
people  of  the  United  States  as  having  already  be- 
come corrupt  and  degenerate.  ***** 
•'It  will  be  perceived  in  all  the  views  that  I 
have  taken  of  the  subject,  I  have  confined  myself 
to  the  powers  and  remedies  presented  by  the  con- 
stitution. 

"There  is  an  extra  constitutional  power  inherent 
in  freemen,  and  that  is  never  transferred  to  any 
government,  whether  national  or  state.  This  is 
the  right  to  resist  oppression  whenever  the  major- 
ity become  corrupt  and  tyrannical  over  their  fel- 
low men.  This  was  the  right  which  our  fathers 
had,  to  declare  this  country  independent  of  Great 
Britain.  When  all  modes  of  redress  are  unavail- 
ing, if  the  majority  of  the  states  play  the  tyrant 
and  violate  the  constitution;  the  minority  in  favor 
of  their  unalienable  rights— the  rights  of  freemen 
— can  resist  tyranny  from  whatever  quarter  it 
may  come.  As  our  fathers  of  the  Revolution  did, 
they  can   spread   their  banner  of  liberty  to  the 


M#4»«<.iV  ^'^M^  '^'  ■»  ^'i'  •k''iW«*A»^. 


ley. 


Professional  and  Political. 


113 


•ity  of  the 
ited  in  our 
t  wish   to 

ar  evinced 
correct  all 
ed  during 
appear  to 
cause  for 
at  a  small 
ority  of  the 

ilready  be- 

*      «      « 

;w8  that  I 
led  myself 
by  the  con- 

er  inherent 
red  to  any 
e.     This  is 

the  major- 
r  their  fel- 
our  fathers 
nt  of  Great 
re  unavail- 

the  tyrant 
ity  in  favor 
of  freemen 

quarter  it 
olution  did, 
srty  to  the 


breeze,  and  resolve  to  conquer  or  die.  This  is  the 
right,  which  nature  and  nation's  God  have  im* 
parted  to  man.  But  may  centuries  roll  by  and 
numberless  ages  pass  by,  before  our  Union  shall 
in  this  way  perish  amidst  the  corruption  and  op- 
pression of  a  degenerate  posterity."      ♦        ♦        ♦ 

"But  after  the  Supreme  Court  have  made  their 
decision,  it  appears  to  me  there  is  another  power 
which  is  superior  to  it,  which  is  the  people  of  the 
different  states,  acting  through  their  legislatures 
and  by  declaratory  amendments  to  the  constitu- 
tion, deciding  what  its  construction  should  be.  * 
*  *  *  *  Laws  cannot  retroact  because  they 
are  prohibited  by  the  constitution  from  so  doing, 
but  it  is  in  the  power  of  the  people  through  the 
action  of  their  state  legislatures  in  their  elementary 
sovereignty.  I  conceive  to  pass  rules  of  interpre- 
tation of  the  constitution  which  can  act  upon  cases 
alreadj'"  decided  by  the  Supreme  Court,  provided 
the  majority  of  the  states,  required  by  the  consti- 
tution, concur  in  the  amendment.  This  power 
then,  with  the  power  reserved  of  impeachment, 
would  be  the  power  of  the  people  to  act  as  the 
ultimate  arbiter  to  settle  any  doubtful  constitu- 
tional question." 

General  Ripley  was  governed  by  a  broad  and 
comprehensive  policy  with  regard  to  the  disposi- 
tion of  the  public  lands  as  indicated  by  his  posi- 
tion upon  the  subj  3ct  when  a  candidate  for  Con- 
gress in  1834.  President  Jackson  had  already,  in 
his   fourth   annual   message  in   December,    1832, 


t 

1 1 , 


«  1 


'A- 


'r* 


i  I 


;   i  i  i 


.  ■ 

! 

i  i 


Cf  ^(jiu.;,<jj^ ,,  jv^T,«jj,,j:j. ., ■_.- ;^_j.  ;,  ^■;f  ."•;; 


..!"' 


//^         Z///e  o/  Eleazer  WTieelock  Ripley. 

called  the  attention  of  Congress  to  the  subject  and 
expressed  the  opinion  that  it  was  best  to  abandon 
the  idea  of  realizing  a  revenue  out  of  the  public 
lands  and  that  they  should  be  sold  to  actual  set- 
tlers at  a  price  barely  sufficient  to  reimburse  the 
United  States,  the  exjjense  of  the  land  system  and 
the  cost  arising  under  Indian  compacts. 

To  this  proposition,  as  enlarged  upon  and  advo- 
cated by  himself ,  he  yielded  the  strongest  support 
In  it  we  discover  the  germ  of  our  present  liberal 
Homestead  law  with  its  magnificent  results,  at- 
tained not  by  a  prompt  and  immediate  congress- 
ional recognition,  but  by  a  gradual  advance;  by 
the  adoption  of  a  pre-emption  bill,  of  a  bill  grad- 
uating the  price  of  public  lands,  and  at  last  by  the 
enactment  of  the  present  Homestead  laws.  The 
latter  were  widely  discussed  before  the  people  and 
occupied  the  attention  of  Congress  at  several  ses- 
sions, but  did  not  materialize  into  a  law  until  May 
20,  1862,  after  the  accession  of  Lincoln  to  the  pres- 
idency. A  protracted  and  earnest  contest  over 
the  subject  had  engaged  the  36th  Congress,  which 
convened  in  December,  1859.  On  the  8th  of  that 
month  Andrew  Johnson  of  Tennessee  gave  notice 
of  his  intention  to  introduce  a  bill  upon  the  sub- 
ject, which  he  accordingly  did  on  the  twentieth  of 
the  month.  A  bill  for  a  like  purpose  was  also  in- 
troduced into  the  House,  was  passed  and  sent  to 
the  Senate.  The  two  bodies  being  at  last  brought 
into  agreement  as  to  the  provisions  of  the  law,  it 
was  finally  passed,  the  vote  in  the  Senate  being 
forty-four  to  eight,  indicating  the  non-partizan  and 


m%. 


■Ml^HMHMINpa 


■f?" 


•mf^ 


nimw 


aibject  and 
;o  abandon 
the  public 
actual  set- 
nburse  the 
system  and 

n  and  advo- 
ist  support 
sent  liberal 
results,  at- 
e  congress- 
idvance;  by 
a  bill  grad- 
;  last  by  the 
laws.    The 
people  and 
several  ses- 
K  until  May 
to  the  pres- 
ontest  over 
jress,  which 
8th  of  that 
gave  notice 
on  the  sub- 
twentieth  of 
was  also  in- 
and  sent  to 
last  brought 
►f  the  law,  it 
enate  being 
partizan  and 


Bank  Struggle — Its  Outcome. 


115 


non-aectional  character  of  the  measure.  At  that 
time  the  Senate  stood  37  democrats,  24  republicans, 
2  members  of  the  native  American  party  and  three 
vacaqcies.  The  House  had  109  republicans,  101 
democrats,  1  whig  and  26  of  the  native  American 
party  the  latter  being  largely  from  the  Southern 
States.  President  Buchanan,  however,  refused  to 
approve  the  bill  on  the  ground  of  unconstitution' 
ality  and  of  injustice  to  some  of  the  states,  and  the 
Senate  refused  to  pass  it  over  his  veto  by  a  vote 
of  27  to  18,  not  being  the  two-thirds  vote  required 
by  tlje  constitution  to  over-ride  a  veto. 

The  constitutionality  and  the  expediency  of  a 
United  States  Bank,  clothed  with  the  attributes 
given  to  it  at  its  first  and  second  institution, 
proved  the  subject  of  warm  and  animated  dis- 
cugeion  from  the  foundation  of  the  government 
until  its  final  overthrow  in  the  contest,  waged 
against  it  by  the  firm  and  inflexible  Jackson.  Of 
this  contest  Mr.  Blaine  wrote  sixty  years  after- 
ward in  his  great  work  published  in  1884.  "The 
Bank  of  the  United  States  in  1816  had  a  capital  of 
thirty-five  million  of  dollars.  If  a  similar  insti- 
tution were  established  to-day,  bearing  a  like 
proportion  to  the  wealth  of  the  country,  it  would 
require  a  capital  of  at  least  six  hundred  millions 
of  dollars — many  folds  larger  than  the  combined 
wealth  of  the  Bank  of  England  and  the  Bank  of 
France.  It  is  hardly  conceivable  that  such  a 
power  as  this,  could  ever  be  entrusted  to  the  man- 
agement of  a  secretary  of  the  treasury  or  to  a 
single  board  of  directors  with  the  temptations 


3-6 


•     t     y 


m 


3  : 


i-li 


«u»J 


■ijs"  . 


lt6         Life  of  Elenzer  Wheelock  Ripley. 

which  would  beset  them.  It  i»  the  contemplation  of 
8uch  an  enormous  i)ower,  placed  in  the  hands  of 
any  body  of  men,  that  gives  a  more  coi  rect  ap- 
preciation of  the  conduct  and  motives  of  General 
Jackson  in  his  determined  contest  with  the  United 
States  Bank.  His  instincts  were  correct.  He  saw 
that  such  an  institution,  increasing  with  the  growth 
of  the  country,  would  surely  tend  to  corruption, 
and  by  its  unlimited  power  would  interfere  with 
the  just  liberty  of  the  people." 

In  this  determined  contest.  General  Ripley 
was  on  the  side  of  Jackson  and  without  weighing 
either  its  advantages  or  the  disadvantages  of  the 
institution,  his  personal  convictions,  imbibed  in 
early  life  and  remaining  unchanged  during  subse- 
quent years,  left  him  no  other  alternative  to  pursue. 
The  contest  was  not  only  determined  but  became 
embittered  by  the  most  bitter  and  envenomed 
political  attacks  upon  Jackson — the  results  to  fol- 
low the  defeat  of  the  bank  were  portrayed  in  the 
most  gloomy  colors — the  commercial  world  was 
convulsed  by  a  dread  picture  of  ruin  in  the  event 
of  Jackson's  failure  to  parmit  a  re-charter — the 
whig  leaders  were  animated  by  a  common  spirit 
to  listen  to  no  compromise,  r.nconditional  surrender 
to  their  demands,  would  only  suffice,  and,  amid 
panic  and  commercial  disasters,  fondly  anticipated 
the  discomfiture  of  Jackson  and  their  own  return 
to  the  administration  of  the  government.  Had  it 
not  been  for  this  overweening  confidence  and  be- 
lief of  certain  victory,  probably  a  satisfactory  ar- 
rangement between  the  bank   ofTnials    and     the 


c;^^  •  - r-^r;Bi V\;^rr%jir£r,-i-s»,^  ^ 


'il&Mk:im0ii%i^^l&&^^^^-^^ 


ley. 

nplation  of 
hands  of 
-oirect  ap- 
of  General 
the  United 
He  saw 
the  growth 
corruption, 
Brfere  with 

;ral  Ripley 
it  weighing 
ages  of  the 
imbibed  in 
iring  subse- 
e  to  pursue, 
but  became 
envenomed 
isults  to  fol- 
ayed  in  the 
I  world  was 
in  the  event 
charter — the 
timon  spirit 
al  surrender 
,  and,  amid 
r  anticipated 
own  return 
ent.  Had  it 
ince  and  be- 
jsfactory  ar- 
ils   and    the 


Bank  Struggle — Its  Outcome. 


117 


president  would  have  been  effected,  and  much 
subsequent  commercial  distress  avoided.  But 
Clay  and  Webster  would  listen  to  nothing  of  the 
kind — they  had  determined  upon  their  course, 
and  bank  officials  received  significant  intimations 
of  their  displeasure,  if  they  infringed  upon  their 
plans.  Having  become  the  leaders  in  the  cham- 
pionship of  the  re-charter,  with  a  powerful  and 
compact  party  obsequious  to  their  will,  and  di- 
recting their  attacks  vvith  their  accustomed  ability, 
they  were  finally  overwhelmed  with  defeat,  and  to 
what  extent  they  were  responsible  for  the  bank- 
ruptcies, commercial  stagnation  and  wide-spread 
ruin  of  that  period,  then  so  bitterly  charged  upon 
Jackson,  can  now  be  more  accurately  determined, 
at  the  expiration  of  half  a  century,  by  the  light  of 
recent  political  developments.  Thurlow  H^eed, 
so  long  potent  in  New  York  politics,  the  personal 
and  political  friend  of  the  two  whig  chieftains,  in 
his  auto-biography,  which  appeared  in  1883,  thus 
draws  the  curtain  and  lets  in  the  light  upon,  as  he 
styles  it,  "A  secret  of  the  bank  parlor." 

"Shortly  before  the  bank  applied  to  Congress 
for  a  re-charter,  the  Hon.  Louis  McLane,  then 
secretary  of  the  treasury,  invited  Mr.  Biddle,  the 
president  of  the  United  States  Bank,  to  Washing- 
ton. At  their,  interview,  the  secretary  informed 
Mr.  Biddle  that  he  was  authorized  by  the  presi- 
dent to  say,  that  if  the  proposed  re-charter  of  the 
bank  contained  certain  modifications,  which,  Mr. 
McLane  handed  to  Mr.  Biddle,  in  writing,  the  bill 


,  ;i 


^i; 


I 


-!***-^ 


<SiiaiaWi«atait»<feWM-'jft-.'JtJ'»4«»ife 


r$^&: 


'^^•'^m^W^My^: 


XJ8         Life  of  Elcazer  Wheelock  Ripley. 

would  be  approv  ed.  Mr.  Diddle  returned  to  Phil- 
adelphia and  submitted  the  proposed  modifica- 
tions to  Mr.  John  Sargent,*  a  director  of  the  bank 
and  its  counsel,  and  to  one  or  two  other  confiden- 
tial directors,  by  each  of  whom  the  modifications 
were  accepted.  But  before  announcing  such  ac- 
quiescence to  the  secretary  of  the  treasury,  it  was 
deemed  proper  to  confer  with  leading  friends 
of  the  bank  then  in  Congress.  Mr.  Biddle  and 
Mr.  Sargent  therefore  called  upon  Messrs  Clay 
and  Webster,  and  submitted  to  these  gentlemen 
the  modifications  required  to  secure  the  approval 
of  the  president,  of  the  re-charter  of  the  bank. 

'•After  much  discussion  and  consideration, 
Messrs  Clay  and  Webster  came  to  the  conclusion 
that  the  question  of  a  re-charter  of  the  bank  had 
progressed  too  far  and  ansumed  aspects  too  de- 
cided in  the  public  mind  and  in  C  ingress  to  ren- 
der any  compromise  or  change  of  front  expedient 
or  desirable.  Messrs  Biddle  and  Sargent  retired 
for  consideration,  but  returned  in  the  evening  of 
the  same  day,  confirmed  in  their  conviction  that 
it  was  wise  to  accept  the  offer  of  the  secretary  of 
the  treasury.  Messrs  Clay  and  Webster  replied 
that  th<»y  had '  jcrne  the  brunt  of  the  battle  so  far,  and 
that  they  were  confident  of  their  ability  to  carry  a 
bill  through  Congress,  re-chartering  the  bank,  even 
though  the  bill  should  encounter  a  presidental 
veto;  but  that  they  could  not  be  responsible  for 
the  result,  if  in  the  heat  of  the  contest,  the  bank, 
abandoning  its  reliable  friends,  should  strike 
hands  with  its  foes." 


ed  to  Phil- 
[  modilica- 
if  the  bank 
r  confide n- 
)ditication(» 
ig  Buch  ac- 
mry,  it  was 
,ng  friends 
3iddle  and 
[esers  Clay 
gentlemen 
e  approval 
le  bank. 

isideration, 
conclusion 
e  bank  had 
cts  too  de- 
ress  to  ren- 
t  expedient 
;ent  retired 
evening  of 
iriction  that 
secretary  of 
jter  replied 
[e  so  far,  and 
y  to  carry  a 
I  bank, even 
presidental 
jonsible  for 
t,  the  bank, 
ould    strike 


Twenty  fourth  Con^rvs»— 1820-1839.       119 

'  The  great  whig  leaders  played  and  lost  in 
the  fierce  bank  struggle,  but  time  softens  or  dispels 
the  asperities  of  party  contest.  The  obloquy  and 
vituperation,  poured  upon  the  firm  and  patriotic 
Jackson,  at  the  time,  by  bis  ambitious  and  bitter  ri- 
vals and  opponents,  have  disappeared  before  the 
popular  verdict  of  that  day,  and  now  Jackson  figures 
in  the  history  of  that  eventful  and  excited  period 
and  bitter  controversy,  as  governed  by  patriotic 
motives,  far  seeing  sagacity  and  "correct  instincts J^ 

During  the  first  session  of  the  24th  Congress, 
which  convened  in  December,  1835,  and  to  wh'ch 
he  had  been  elected.  General  Ripley  applied  him- 
self to  efforts  to  accomplish  his  early  wishes  for 
the  erection  of  hospitals  upon  the  western  waters, 
a  subject  to  which  his  attention  had  been  drawn 
and  in  which  he  took  a  deep  interest,  while  a  mem- 
ber of  the  state  senate  in  1831.  For  this  purpose 
he  moved  an  amendment  to  the  general  appropri- 
ation bill,  by  which  $200,000  should  be  applied 
under  the  direction  of  the  secretary  of  the  treasu- 
ry, in  the  selection  of  sites  and  preparing  the 
necessary  material.  This  amendment  was  re- 
jected, and  in  a  few  days  he  introduced  a  resolu- 
tion instructing  the  committee  on  roads  and 
canals  to  report  upon  the  expediency  of  establish- 
ing hospitals  on  the  western  rivers  and  lakes  for 
disabled  and  sick  seamen  and  boatmen.  He  was 
unable  to  procure  immediate  legislation  such  as 
he  desired,  upon  the  subject,  but  an  impulse  was 
given  to  its  consideration,  which  in  a  few  years 


(  ^ 


! 


i-lV- 


-i^;--C- 


.1^ 


i' 


120       Lite  of  Eleazer  WTieelock  Ripley. 

g'ave  ^ratiiy'mg  fruit,  by  the  establishment  of  the 
desired  hospitals. 

The  disposition  to  be  made  of  the  public  rev- 
enue and  of  the  larg^e  surplus  anticipated  for  the 
future,  pressed  upon  and  occupied  the  attention  of 
Congress  at  this  session.  In  his  annual  message, 
the  president  announced  that  the  public  debt  was 
extinct,  or  money  was  on  deposit  for  this  purpose, 
whenever  the  creditors  should  demand  it,  and  that 
after  making  all  the  appropriations  for  which  es- 
timates would  be  submitted  by  the  different  de- 
partments and  deducting  unexpended  appropria- 
tions already  made,  a  surplus  .rouid  probably 
remain,  at  the  end  of  the  year,  of  not  less  than  six 
million  of  dollar's.  Ivcgislation  and  the  conse- 
quences growing  out  of  it,  unexpected  by  the  pres- 
ident, actually  swelled  this  surplus  to  some  forty 
millions  of  dollars.  Congress  at  this  session 
passed  a  law  requiring  all  the  surplus  in  excess 
of  five  millions  of  dollars  distributed  among  the 
states  in  quarterly  installments,  to  be  repaid  when 
Congress  should  require  it.  In  terms  it  was  a 
loan,  in  reality  its  ardent  supporters  had  so  framed 
the  law  for  the  purpose  of  overcoming  any  con- 
stitutiuiial  scruples  which  the  president  would 
entertain  against  a  direct  gift  to  the  states,  without 
the  least  expectation  that  repayment  would  ever 
be  demanded.  Under  the  operation  of  the  law 
three  installments,  amounting  to  twenty-eight  mil- 
lions of  dollars,  were  distributed  among  the 
states, when  the  fourth  installment  was  arrested  by 
the  intervention  of  Congress,  owing  to  the  finan- 


mm 


ipley.  '-y  ,-"'-ri:, 
hment  of  the 

e  public  rev- 
jated  for  the 
e  attention  of 
ual  message, 
blic  debt  was 
this  purpose, 
id  it,  and  that 
for  which  es- 

different  de- 
jd  appropria- 
uld  probably 
t  less  than  six 
d  the  conse- . 
d  by  the  pres- 
to some  forty 

this  session 
lus  in  excess 
3d  among  the 
e  repaid  when 
rms  it  was  a 
had  so  framed 
ning  any  con- 
isident  would 
states,  without 
snt  would  ever 
on  of  the  law 
mty-eight  mil- 
d  among  the 
ras  arrested  by 
g  to  the  finan- 


Distribntion  of  Public  Revenue.        121 

cial  needs  of  the  government  and  the  threatening 
aspects  of  monetary  matters. 

No  sooner  had  the  law  passed  and  the  piiblic 
revenue  in  large  amounts  found  its  way  into  the 
vaults  of  the  state  banks,  as  its  selected  custodians 
either  by  the  states  or  the  general  government, 
than  this  revenue  bacaniL'  ths  basis  for  a  vast  ex- 
pansion of  paper  currency,  stimulated  the  creation 
of  new  banks,  overspread  the  country  with  a  spirit 
ofwilfl  and  intemperate  speculation  and  culmi- 
nated in  what  is  known  as  the  disastrous  commer- 
cial panic  of  1837=. 

The  public  lands  were  the  incentive  and  po- 
tent factor  in  producing  th2  wids-spread  ruin  that 
followed.  General  Ripley  apprehending  danger 
from  this  quarter,  attempted  to  guard  against  it, 
and  to  secure  the  public  domain  from  the  grasp 
of  the  speculator,  and.  for  this  object,  when  the 
bill  was  before  the  House,  on  the  21st  of  June,  he 
proposed  several  additional  sections  to  it,  "pro- 
viding that  no  public  lands  should  be  sold  ex- 
cept to  actual  settlers,  for  the  term  of  five  years." 

His  efforts,  however,  were  futile,  but  the  vast 
importance  of  the  amendment,  which  he  proposed, 
greater  probably  than  he  then  realized,  was  fully 
verified  in  the  coursa  of  a  few  months.  The  sense 
of  impending  danger  and  public  calamity  impelled 
the  president,  soon  after  the  adjournment  of  Con- 
gress, to  direct  the  secretary  of  the  treasury  to 
issue  an  order  requiring  that  future  payment  for 
the  public  lands,  should  be  made  in  specie,  ex- 


■'■m 


'•f'v 


ifs;: 


p\t 


■yit3X':~ 


(*?«=■ 


I  **'%;■ 


If 


122       Life  of  Eleazer  Wheelock  Ripley, 

cepting^  sales  made  to  actual  settlers  prior  to  the 
15tb  of  December,  1836. 

This  order,  known  as  "the  spacie  circular," 
immediately  became  the  object  of  the  fiercest  at- 
tacks from  the  enenxies  of  the  president,  but  the 
reasons  assigned  for  it  seem  most  fully  to  justify 
his  course.  -  ^j  ?  . 

In  connection  with  it,  he  says,  in  his  niessag'e, 
in  December,  1836,  describing"  the  operations  of 
the  banks,  land  offices  and  speculators: 

"The  banks  lent  out  their  notes  to  specuiaiors; 
they  were  paid  to  the  receivers,  and  immediately 
returned  to  the  banks  to  be  lent  out  again  and 
ag'ain,  being  mere  instruments  to  transfer  to  spec- 
ulators the  ra33t  valuable  public  land,  and  pay  the 
government  by  a  credit  pn  the  book  of  the  banks. 
Those  credits  on  the  books  of  some  of  the  western 
banks,  usually  called  deposits,  were  already  greatly 
beyond  their  immediate  means  of  payment,  and 
were  rapidly  increasing.  Indeed,  each  specula- 
tion furnished  means  for  another;  for  no  sooner 
had  one  individual  or  comipany  paid  in  the  notes, 
than  they  were  immediately  lent  to  another  for  a 
like  purpose;  and  the  banks  were  extending  tneur 
business  and  their  issues  so  largely,  as  to  alarm 
considerate  men,  and  render  it  doubtful  whether 
these  bank  credits,  if  permitted  to  accumulate, 
would  ultimately  be  of  the  least  value  to  the 
government.  The  spirit  of  expansion  and  specu- 
lation was  not  confined  to  deposit  banks,  but 
pervaded  the  whole  multitude  of  banks  throuj  h- 


tey. 

ior  to  the 

circular," 
iercest  at- 
at,  but  the 

to  justify 


s  niessag'e, 
erations  of 


ipecaiiH-ors; 
ntnediately 
t  a^ain  and 
»fer  to  spec- 
and  pay  the 
■  the  banks, 
the  western 
sady  greatly 
lyment,  and 
ich  specula- 
r  no  sooner 
n  the  notes, 
nother  for  a 
ending  tneir 
as  to  alarnl 
tful  whether 
accumulate, 
alue  to  the 
1  and  specu- 
:  banks,  but 
iks  throut  V 


:'s!\&\ 


rV^flffl^K 


Ik 


.'.-^ 


Public  Lands. 


123 


out  the  Union,  and  was  giving  rise  to  new  institu- 
tions to  aggravate?  the  evil." 

In  proposing  his  amendments  to  the  bill,  Gen. 
Ripley  was  probably  governed  by  two  motives, 
one,  hia  favorite  policy  long  before  expressed 
of  reserving  the  public  Ian  is  for  actual  settlers, 
and  the  other  the  fear  of  injuriously  affecting,  the 
monetary  and  industrial  interests  of  the  country, 
by  engendering  a  wild  spirit  of  speculation.  With- 
out his  amendment,  the  bill  seemed  the  best  at 
that  time,  attainable  for  the  safety  of  the  public 
revenue  and  tlie  benefit  of  the  people,  and  he 
voted  for  it.  Upon  its  final  passage  in  the 
House,  it  received  one  hundred  and  fifty  five 
votes,  with  thirty-eight  against  it.  In  the  Senate 
it  had  received  thirty-nine  votes  to  six  against, 
and  was  approved  by  the  President. 

I 

Soon  after  taking  his  seat  in  congress  he  was 
terribly  shocked  by  the  death  of  his  only  son  who 
serving  under  Colonel  Fanning,  in  Texas,  was  one 
of  the  560  men,  who  were  inhumanly  shot  by 
order  of  Santa  Anna,  the  Mexican  general,  in 
utter  disregard  of  the  terms  of  capitulation. 
Exasperated  by  such  perfidity  and  inhuman- 
ity, the  feelings  of  the  father  became  thoroughly 
enlisted  in  the  cause  for  which  his  son  died, 
and  he  watched  with  intense  interest  the  Texan 
struggle  for  independence.  The  contest  of  arms 
was  not  of  long  duration  and  was  followed  by 
that  of  diplomacy,  which  lasted  beyond  the  life  of 
General  Ripley. 


it: 


:l:|i 


:!! 


|1 


■1 


|,i;;¥%:w-t'r,'T^':".';:;^!fwV"g?7^^ 


124        Life  of  Eleazer  Wheelock  Ripley. 

At  this  session  the  slavery  question  became 
prominent,  and  those  foremost  in  the  ad'.''ocac3'' 
and  maintenance  of  <^^c  right  of  petition  and  in 
encouraging  the  then  so  called  abolition  party  in 
converting  the  national  forum  into  a  political  con- 
duit for  the  propagation  of  their  sentiments,  was 
ex-president  John  Q.  Adams,  who,  perhaps  smart- 
t'"' rnder  his  defeat  as  presidential  candidate  ia 
\<.  '  entered  Congress  in  1831,  as  representative 
of  t»*e  dis^^^rict  in  Massachusetts  in  which  he  re- 
sided. Of  the  character  of  the  class  of  petitioners 
with  which  he  was  so  ready  and  active  in  agitat- 
ing the  body  to  which  he  belonged  and  in  contrib- 
uting to  public  excitement,  he  records  in  his  pri- 
vate diary  that  on  the  7th  of  January,  1839,  he 
presented  ninety-five  petitions  bearing  upon 
slavery  topics  and  that  some  of  them  v/ere  "very 
exasperating  in  their  language." 

In  his  past  official  life  he  had,  as  a  member 
of  Mr,  Monroe's  cabinet,  opposed  the  treaty  nego- 
tiated by  Mr.  Rush,  in  1824  for  the  more  effectual 
suppression  of  the  African  slave  trade,  for  the 
ratification  of  which  Mr.  Monroe  was  anxious;  as 
Secretary  of  State  he  had  given  his  best  aid  to  the 
acquisition  of  Florida,  a  slave  territory,  subse- 
quently to  b£  made  a  slave  state,  and  it  was  uni- 
versally understood  that  he  was  opposed  to  the 
interference  of  Congress,  in  a  time  of  peace,  with 
slavery  within  the  states  and  to  its  abolition  in 
the  District  of  Columbia. 

Recollecting  his  action  upon  these  questions, 


iHMimiiiffll 


mmm 


ley- 

)n  became 
advocacy'' 
ou  and  in 
1  party  in 
litical  con- 
nents,  was 
ap9  smart- 
udidate  in 
•esentative 
lich  he  re- 
petitioners 
in  agitat- 
in  contrib- 
in  his  pri- 
jr,  1839,  he 
ring^  upon 
vere  "very 

a  member 
reaty  nego- 
re  effectual 
ie,  for  the 
anxious;  as 
t  aid  to  the 
jry,  subse- 
it  was  uni- 
>sed  to  the 
peace,  with 
ibolition  in 

:  questions, 


Slavery  Agitation. 


125 


so  much  in  accord  with  southern  sentiments,  Mr. 
Adams,  was,  perhaps,  in  no  placable  mood  to 
with-hold  hard  and  exasperating  blows  from  those 
v/ho  had  so  recently  aided  in  his  presidential  de- 
feat, and  he  at  once  became  the  active,  determin- 
ed and  untiring  ally  of  the  abolition  party  in  main- 
taining upon  the  floor  of  Congress,  their  doctrine 
of  the  right  of  petition  and  in  arousing  the  anti- 
slavery  feeling  of  the  North  in  reference  to  the 
future  of  Texas.  Neither  was  his  course  at  this 
time  at  variance  with  his  convictions  of  early  life> 
as  indicated  by  his  diary  where,  alluding  to  the 
Missouri  compromise  of  1820,  he  says  that  the 
Cabinet  of  Mr,  Monroe,  of  which  he  and  Mr.  Cal- 
houn were  members,  was  unanimous  in  the  opin- 
ion that  it  was  constitutional,  and  adds: 

"I  have  favored  this  Missouri  compromise, 
believing  it  to  be  all  that  could  be  effected  under 
the  present  Constitution,  and  from  extreme  un- 
willingness to  put  the  Union  at  hazzard.  But 
perhaps  it  would  have  been  a  wiser  as  well  as 
bolder  course  to  have  persisted  in  the  restriction 
upon  Missouri  till  it  should  have  terminated  in  a 
convention  of  the  states  to  amend  and  revise  the 
Constitution.  This  would  have  produced  a  new 
Union  of  thirteen  or  fourteen  States,  unpolluted 
with  slavery,  with  a  great  and  glorious  object  to 
effect,  namely,  that  of  rallying  to  their  standard 
the  other  states  by  the  universal  emancipation  of 
their  slaves.  If  the  Union  is  to  be  dissolved, 
slavery  is  precisely  the  question  upon  which  it 


■sm 


m 


i 


Jim 


^m*  ;|w)|ii^  .0  V  Ml  iffyn  rMHii 


Cl::'.> 


I2G        Life  of  Eleazer  Wheelock  Ripley. 

ought  to  break.    For  the   preaent,  however,  the 
contest  i»  laid  asleep" 

His  feelings  thus  indicated,  characterized  his 
course  to  the  last  and  when  the  annexation  of 
Texas  was  near  cousummation.found  expression  in 
an  address  of  thirteen  anti-slavery  members  of 
Congress,  headed  by  himself,  who  denounced  the 
measure  in  the  severest  and  most  inflamatory 
language  and  as  one  "so  injurious  to  the  interests 
and  abhorrent  to  the  feelings  of  the  people  of  the 
free  states  as  in  our  opinion,  not  only  inevitably  to 
result  in  a  dissolution  of  the  Union  but  fully  to 
justify  it,  and  we  not  only  assert  that  the  people 
of  the  free  states  ought  not  to  submit  to  it,  but 
we  say  with  confidence,  they  would  not  submit  to 
it."  -  -    ■■    ,.  ■■••■,:/-:-F--; 

In  such  a  champion,  so  learned,  cool,  energet- 
ic and  persevering  the  most  ultra  anti-slavery  man 
had  a  tower  of  strength,  which  never  failed  him 
in  time  of  need. 

The  petitions  themselves  evinced  the  earn- 
estness, the  sincerity  and  the  fixed  resolution  of 
the  petitioners.  Some  were  couched  in  mild  and 
unobjectionable  language  as  if  avoiding  to  give 
offence  but  seeking  to  do  away  with  what  they 
considered  a  great  national  evil,  others  bristled 
with  harsh  epithets,  and  reflected  the  bitter  and 
envenomed  feelings  of  those,  who,  outside  of  the 
halls  of  Congress,  from  the  public  rostrum,  assail- 
ed the  Constitution  as  a  "covenant  with  hell".  It 
was  contended  that,  whatever  the  tone  and  charac- 


^^%;.'. 


wever,  the 

terized  his 
vexation  of 
preBsion  in 
lembers  of 
Lounced  the 
inflamatory 
le  interests 
jople  of  the 
tievitably  to 
>ut  fully  to 
the  people 
lit  to  it,  but 
)t  submit  to 

ool,  energet- 
■slavery  man 
r  failed  him 

2d  the  earn- 
resolution  of 
in  mild  and 
iing  to  give 
1  what  they 
lers  bristled 
e  bitter  and 
utside  of  the 
strum,  assail- 
ith  hell".  It 
e  and  charac- 


.  /vis         Slavery  Agiiaiion.,. 

ter  of  the  petitions,  the  constitution  declar- 
ed that  Congress  should  make  no  law  abridging 
*'the  right  of  the  people  peaceably  to  assemble 
and  petition  the  government  for  a  redress  of 
grievances"  and  that  it  was  the  imperative  duty 
of  the  government  to  receive  the  petition,  refer 
them  to  a  committee  for  investigation  and  report 
•for  the  ftnal  action  of  Congress.  On  the  other 
side,  it  was  urged  that  while  the  petitioners  could 
not  be  deprived  of  his  legal  right  to  complain  of 
what  he  conceived  a  grievance,  yet  when  the 
character  of  the  complaint  was  well  understood, 
was  calculated  to  produce  great  exasperations  dan- 
gerous to  the  best  interests  of  the  country  and 
was  obnoxious  to  the  sentiments  of  a  large  and 
overwhelmning  majority  of  the  American  peo- 
ple, that  their  representatives  had  a  perfect  and 
constitutional  right  to  make  such  disposition  of 
the  petition  as  their  self  respect  and  sense  of 
duty  to  their  constituents  required.  The  doctrine 
maintained  by  the  petitioners,  it  was  urged,  open- 
ed the  door  for  the  introduction  and  conversion  of 
Congress  into  a  theater  for  the  discussion  of  every 
conceivable  subject,  such  as  slavery,  the  imitation 
of  revolutionary  France  in  the  abolition  of  the 
Sabbath,  the  ostracism  of  the  Bible,  the  establish- 
ment of  a  monarchy  or  the  dissolution  of  the 
Union,  etc.,  to  the  neglect  of  the  real  objects 
for  which  the  government  was  instituted. 

As  showing  the  temper  of  the  House,  and  the 
antagonistic  views  of  the  members,  it  may  not  be 


t:« 


n 

4 


.1    !■  . 


128        Life  of  Bleazer  Wheelfjck  Ripley, 

out  of  place  to  give  the  following  extracts  from  the 
remarks  of  William  Blade,  one  of  the  ablest  mem- 
bers of  the  Vermont  delegation,  and  of  Franklin 
Pierce,  of  New  Hampshire,  subsequently  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States,  on  the  other: 

Mr.  Slade  said;  "for  himself  he  was  in  favor 
of  the  prayer  of  the  petition.  The  petitioners 
first  wished  the  abolition  of  slavery  within  the 
District;  so  did  he.  They  desired  to  abolish  the 
slave  trade  in  the  District,  and  so  did  he.  He 
was  not,  however,  in  favor  of  the  immediate  and 
unqualified  abolition  of  slavery  within  the  Dis- 
trict, because  he  believed  it  impracticable;  and  to 
seek  it,  would  defeat  the  very  object  he:  and  those 
who  concurred  with  him  desired.  He  believed 
there  was  no  right  of  one  man  to  hold  another  as 
property,  and  that  the  exercise  of  such  power 
ought  everywhere  to  cease;  but  the  work  should  be 
done  gradually.  The  states  of  the  Union  owed 
obligations  to  the  African  race;  and  it  was  their 
duty  to  prepare  them  for  a  state  of  emancipation 
and  freedom.  They  were  bound  to  enact  laws  for 
this  purpose.  He  was  an  Anti-mason  and  an  Abo- 
litionist on  this  principle,  and  always  should  be- 
He  was,  however,  in  favor  of  an  immediate  aboli- 
tion of  the  slave  trade  within  the  District  of  Co- 
lumbia. He  said  the  sentiments  of  the  people  of 
the  North  had  not  been  fairly  described  by  gen- 
tlemen who  had  addressed  the  House.  Gen- 
tlemen were  altogether  mistak**ti  on  this  sub- 
ject. It  was  not  a  few  miserable  fanatics,  as 
had  deen  asserted;  and  the  gentleman  from  New 


L8  from  the 
►lest  mera- 
f  Franklin 
intly  Presi- 


18  in  favor 
petitioners 
within  the 
abolish  the 
id  he.    He 
ediate  and 
a  the   Dis- 
ible;  and  to 
t^  and  those 
[e  believed 
another  as 
inch  power 
•k  should  be 
Fnion  owed 
t  was  their 
nancipation 
act  laws  for 
and  an  Abo- 
should  be- 
diate  aboli- 
trict  of  Co- 
e  people  of 
)ed  by  gen- 
ouse.    Gen- 
n  this    sub- 
fanatics,   as 
I  from  New 


Slavery  Agitation. 


129 


Hampshire  (Mr.  Pierce)  waa  equally  mistaken 
in  thinking  that  not  one  out  of  five  hundred  of 
the  people  there,  were  in  favor  of  this  object. 
There  was  a  full  and  deep  feeling  among  the  peo- 
ple at  the  North.  Public  meetings  had  been  re- 
ferred to.  Those  meetings,  Mr.  S.  said,  applied 
only  to  the  abolition  of  slavery  generally,  and  not 
in  this  District.  As  proof  of  this,  he  referred 
to  the  Boston  resolutions.  Mr,  S.  then  referred 
to  the  clause  in  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  giving  Congress  the  right  of  exclusive  ju- 
risdiction, and  was  understood  to  contend  that  that 
clause  involved  the  entire  jurisdiction,  and  as 
such,  the  right  of  Congress  to  legislate  on  the  sub- 
ject of  slavery  here.  Had  it  not  been  for  the  de- 
nunciatory language  used  by  the  abolitionsists,  of 
land  pirate  and  kidnapper,  applied  to  the  people 
of  the  South,  he  did  not  know  bwt  that  he  should 
have  been  an  abolitionist  himself  on  the  whole 
question.  He  believed  slavery  ap  evil,  and  one 
that  ought  to  be  abolished,  and  that  would  eventu- 
ally be  abolished  every  where." 

Mr.  Pierce,  who  was  absent  at  the  time  of  Mr. 
Slade's  attack,  on  a  subsequent  day  in  the  course  of 
replying  to  it,  and  the  personal  attacks  of  an 
abolition  paper  in  New  Hampshire,  said,  .     '; 

"Whether,  as  has  been  said,  there  be  incident- 
ally a  conjunction  between  two  parties  of  this 
Union,  to  shake  it  to  its  centre,  it  was  net  for  him 
to  say,  but  he  would  express  his  belief  that  there 
was  sufficient  patriotism  and  moral  firmness   in 


it' 


• .  ^k 


%   1 


^^J*^i4 


«4^' 


'•■ 

'  .'■/•^-,-.,  '■ 

1 

I 


1^ 

I 

I 


ir 

id 

ft'. 

&■ 

*  > 

rftt      * 

h 


iSO        Life  (ff  Eleazer  Wheelock  Ripley. 

the  sutii*^  clime,  and  patriotism  and  moral  firm- 
ness enough  among  the  snow  capt  hills  of  the 
north,  to  put  down  agitators,  if  they  existed  in 
both  sections  of  the  country,  and  to  transmit  an 
unbroken  Union  to  posterity,  with  all  the  rights 
•dnd  privileges  secured  by  the  constitution  and 
now  happily  enjoyed  under  it." 

•  "What  were  the  remarks  for  which  he  had 
been  arraigned,  not  only  before  the  public,  but  be- 
fore the  Senate  of  the  United  vStates,  as  having 
been  guilty  of  untruth  in  his  place  on  that  floor? 
What  he  said  was,  that  there  was  no  such  dispo- 
sition among  the  people  of  his  section  of  country 
as  that  indicated  by  the  gentleman  (Mr,  Slade,) 
and  that  not  one  in  a  hundred  of  Mr.  P's  constitu- 
ents who  did  not  entertain  the  most  sacred  regard 
for  the  rights  of  their  southern  brethren,  and  not 
one  in  five  hundred  who  would  not  have  those 
rights  protected  at  any  and  every  hazard.  When 
he  made  that  remark,  he  did  not,  of  course,  intend 
to  include  the  children  who  knew  not  what  they 
did,  nor  the  ladies,  who,  in  their  proper  sphere, 
had  his  highest  respect  and  veneration.  He 
meant  to  speak  of  the  yeomanry  of  his  country, 
the  legal  voters.  With  this  qualification,  he  was 
prepared  to  re-assert  all  he  said  before.  He 
would  go  further.  Within  the  last  six  months, 
as  every  one  there  must  know,  the  subject  of 
abolition  had  been  much  agitated  in  public,  and 
he  had  never  seen  yet  the  first  abolitionist,  man, 
woman  or  child,  within  his  knowledge,  in  the 
district  in  which  he  resided." 


•'•mmmm 


oral  ftrtn- 
ills  of  the 
xiated  in 
anstnit  an 
the  rights 
tition  and 

ich  he  had 
(lie,  but  be- 
as  having 
I  that  floor? 

• 

>uch  dispo- 
of  country- 
Mr.  Slade,) 
"s  constitu- 
Ljred  regard 
en,  and  not 
have  those 
ard.     When 
lurse,  intend 
t  what  they 
per  sphere, 
ration.     He 
his  country, 
tion,  he  was 
before.     He 
iix    months, 
e  subject  of 
public,  and 
ionist,  man, 
dge,   in  the 


Slavery  Agitation. 


131 


Mr.  Slade  and  Mr.  Pierce,  represented  in 
Congress,  the  radical  and  the  conservative 
elemsnts  of  the  north,  at  this  period,  and  while 
the  ons  fanned  the  flames  of  sectional  strife  the 
other  attempted  to  allay  and  extinguish  them. 
General  Ripley  was  desirous  of  contributing  to 
the  latter  result,  and  having  hassarded  his  life 
upon  the  battle  field  to  maintain  the  rights  of  his 
country  against  an  imperious  and  domineering 
foreign  foe,  so  also  he  was  now  anxious  to  subdue 
the  storm  which  threatened  our  domestic  peace 
and  our  national  Union.       '^'^ 

When  the  question  of  disposing  of  one  of  the 
petitions,  was  under  consideration  he  said  "This 
was  a  grave  and  important  question.  There  was 
no  subject  of  deeper  interest  in  the  quarter  of 
the  country  from  whence  he  came.  He  had  been 
sent  here  to  oppose  every  effort  of  a  certain  class 
of  citizens,  in  reference  to  slavery  within  this 
District,  or  elsewhere.  In  disposing  of  the  ques- 
tion before  the  House,  care  should  be  takea  rather 
to  allay  the  public  feeling  than  to  add  to  the  exist- 
ing excitement.  The  right  of  petition  was  a 
solemn  one,  and  had  been  guaranteed  from  the 
time  of  Magna  Charta  to  the  present  moment. 
Our  citizens  have  a  right  to  petition  for  a  change 
of  their  Constitution,  and  indeed  for  a  change  in 
the  form  of  their  Government.  Every  decorous 
memorial  should  be  received;  but  when  received, 
it  is  in  the  power  of  the  House  to  dispose  of  it  as 
it  may  deem  proper.  The  motion  to  reject  this 
petition   was  an   incipient  question,   and,   in  his 


i' 


11! 


132       Life  of  Eleazer  Wlteelock  Ripley. 


'A 

I 


5; 


opinion,  should  take  precedence.  He  again 
adverted  to  the  great  excitement  in  the  South  on 
this  subject,  and  the  importance  of  allaying  that 
excitment  by  a  decisive  course  here.  If  the  gen- 
tlemen from  the  North  were  sincere  in  their 
friendship  for  their  brethern  in  the  South,  and 
were  desirous  of  breaking  down  the  double  wall 
of  partition  between  these  two  sections  of  the 
country,  they  could  give  an  earnest  on  the  pres- 
ent occasion,  by  voting  promptly  to  reject  this 
petition;  and  when  it  shall  go  forth  that  we  have 
rejected  it  by  a  vast  majority,  it  will  have  an  ef- 
fect even  upon  the  fanatics  themselves,  who  do 
not  understand  the  position  and  feeling  of  the 
South  on  this  subject,  while  it  will,  at  t'  same 
time,  allay  the  existing  excitement  in  th£  tion 

of  the  country." 

At  a  late  day  in  the  session  in  1836,  Congress 
decided  that  all  memorials  relating  to  the  subject 
of  slavery  should  be  received  and  laid  upon  the 
table  without  any  further  consideration.  This 
rule  was  recommended  by  a  special  committee  of 
which  Pinckney,  of  South  Carolina  was  chairman, 
and  which  had  been  appointed  in  pursuance  of  a 
resolution  which  he  had  many  weeks  previously 
presented  and  which  was  adopted  by  a  large  major- 
ity, that  memorials  for  the  abolition  of  slavery  in 
the  District  should  be  referred  to  a  select  commit- 
tee with  instructions  to  report  that  Congress  pos- 
sesses no  constitutional  authority  to  interfere  with 
slavery  in  the  states  and  that  in  the  opinion  of  the 


M  -. 


He    again 
;  South  on 
aying  that 
If  the  gen- 
e   in  their 
South,  and 
ouble  wall 
)n8  of  the 
I  the  p res- 
reject  this 
it  we  have 
lave  an  ef- 
es,  who  do 
ling  of  the 
t  f      same 
hi  "tion 

B,  Congress 
the  subject 
i  upon  the 
tion.      This 
)mniittee  of 
8  chairman, 
•suance  of  a 
previously 
large  major- 
f  slavery  in 
ect  commit- 
ngress  pos- 
terfere  with 
)inion  of  the 


SJaverp-  Agitation. 


133 


HouBe,  Congress  ought  not  to  interfere  in  any 
way  with  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  be- 
cause it  would  be  a  violation  of  the  public  faith, 
unwise,  impolitic  and  dangerous  to  the  Union. 
Mr.  Adams  and  six  others,  a  majority  of  them 
from  the  South,  voted  against  that  portion  of  the 
rule  that  referred  to  the  states,  while  seventy-six 
votes  were  given  against  that  portion  which  relat- 
ed to  the  impolicy  of  interfering  with  the  subject 
in  the  District  of  Columbia, 

The  rule  that  thus  provided  for  the  summary 
disposition  of  abolition  petitions  greatly  incensed 
Mr.  Adams  and  became  the  object  v  his  an* 
nual  and  pertinacious  attacks  Aided  by  the 
growing  anti-slavery  feeling  of  the  North,  intensi* 
lied  by  the  continual  and  often  tumultuous  agita* 
tion  of  the  slavery  question  in  Congress  and  by 
the  proposed  annexation  of  Texas,  he  finally  sue* 
ceeded  in  1844,  in  having  it  stricken  from  the 
Rules  of  the  House. 

Another  phase  of  slavery  agitation  was  pre* 
sented  by  the  condition  of  Texas,  and  when  a  Bill 
appropriating  money  for  the  defense  of  the  west- 
ern frontier  and  to  prevent  any  incursions  into 
the  United  States  in  the  war  then  existing  be- 
tween Mexico  and  Texas,  Mr.  Adams  was  prompt 
to  sieze  the  opportunity  to  object  in  advance  to  the 
annexation  of  Texas  and  to  arouse  the  anti-slavery 
feeling  of  the .  country  and  said,  among  other 
things,  if  he  had  been  rightly  informed,  this  was 
a  war  of  Texas  to  establish  slavery  in  the  repub- 


'•»aUM\^ia^u^^iAm 


v-vy ■!--•'  '■,, 


134        Life  of  Eleazer  Wheelock  Ripley. 

lie  of  Texas,  which  had  been  banished  by  th6 
United  Mexican  States,  that  it  was  a  resistance 
against  the  abolition  of  slavery  by  Mexico,  and 
that  Texas  was  making  war  to  establish  that 
slavery  which  had  been  abolished:  Now  if  this 
was  the  case  and  if  the  acknowledgment  of  the 
independence  of  Texas  was  to  follow  by  an  appli- 
cation to  admit  her  to  become  one  of  the  states  of 
this  Union,  he  bagged  leave  to  declare  off  from 
that  reception.  He  would  be  for  receiving  no 
such  addition  ti  the  United  States."  Stung  by  the 
replies  which  his  remarks  had  elicited  and  by  the 
direct  charge  that  he  was  solely  responsible  for 
the  treaty  negotiated  during  the  administration  of 
Monroe,  by  which  the  boundary  was  so  fixed  as 
gave  Texas  to  Mexico,  he  emphatically  declared 
"that  he  was  the  last  man  of  Mr.Monroe's  admin- 
istration who  consented  to  the  treaty,  and  that  he 
was  the  only  member  ox  that  administr.  .ion  who 
was  for  holding  on  to  it." 

General  Ripley  followed  him,  discussing  the 
difficulties  growing  out  of  the  undefined  bounda- 
ry line  settled  by  the  treaty  between  the  United 
Sta'  38  and  Mexico,  and  "expressing  his  surprise 
at  what  had  fallen  from  the  gentleman  from  Mas- 
sachusetts when  he  remembered  who  was  the 
author  of  the  eloquent  and  learned  defence  of 
General  Jackson's  taking  possession  of  Pensacola, 
the  principle  of  which  was  identical  with  the  ex- 
igency on  our  Louisiana  border.'V      :  S-^j^ '; 

Despite  the  opposition  of  Mr,  Adams  and  his 


mmm 


1 


aWMP 


Upley. 

ihed  by  the 

a  resistance 

Mexico,   and 

stablish  that 

Now  if  this 

rment  of  the 

by  an  appli- 

the  states  of 

are  off  from 

receiving  no 

Btung  by  the 

ed  and  by  the 

sponsible  for 

linistration  of 

J  so  fixed   as 

:ally  declared 

rnroe's  adinin- 

y,  and  that  he 

aistr.  ion  who 

liscussing  the 
fined  bouuda- 
:n  the  United 
g  his  surprise 
lan  from  Mas- 
who  was  the 
id  defence  of 
1  of  Pensacola, 
1  with  the  -ex- 

\danis  and  his 


Slavery  Agitation. 


135 


co-ad] ntOTS  and  after  the  crushing  defeat  of  the 
Mexicans,  Texas  hastened  to  seek  recognition 
from  foreign  governments.  The  British  Minister^ 
Palmerston,  assured  tlie  Texas  commissioner^ 
General  Henderson,  that  if  Texas  would  with* 
draw  the  proposition  of  annexation  to  the  United 
States,  England  would  recognize  her  independ* 
ence.  This  proposition  was  immediately  with* 
drawn,  but  notwithstanding  this,  the  United 
States  recognized  the  independence  of  Texas  on 
the  3d  of  March,  1837,  being  the  last  day  of  Jack* 
son's  administration,  France  followed  the  exam- 
ple on  the  25th  of  September,  1839;  Belgium  and 
Holland  soon  after,and  England  did  the  same  in  a 
treaty  made  November  13,  1840.  Whatever  opin- 
ion may  be  entertained  of  the  merits  of  the  con- 
troversy between  Mexico  and  Texas,  one  distin- 
guished American  statesman  and  author,  Mr. 
Blaine,  forty  years  after  annexation  was  consum* 
mated  wrote:  "But  Texas  had  passed  definitely 
and  finally  beyond  the  control  of  Mexico,  and  the 
practical  issue  was,  whether  we  should  incorpo- 
rate her  in  the  Union,  or  leave  her  to  drift  in  un- 
certain currents,  possibly  to  form  European  alli- 
ances, which  we  should  afterwards  be  compelled, 
in  self  defence,  to  destroy.  An  astute  statesman 
of  that  period  summed  up  the  whole  case  when  he 
declared  that  it  was  wiser  policy  to  annex  Texas 
and  accept  the  issue  of  immediate  war  with  Mex- 
ico, than  to  leave  Texas  in  nominal  independence, 
involving  us  probably  in  ultimate  war  with  Eng- 
land. 


a 


■■'•■  1 


■M'H 


i; 


1 

f 


if 

Ml 


/.7<7        Zii'/e  o/  Eleazer  Wheelock  Ripley, 

"The  entire  history  of  subsequent  events  has 
vindicated  the  wisdom,  the  courage  and  the 
statesmansiJp  with  which  the  democratic  party 
dealt  with  this  question  in  1844." 

In  view  of  events  subsequent  to  annexation, 
the  student  of  history,  indulging  in  speculation, 
has  a  wide  field  for  conjecture.  Had  the  exclu- 
sion ix)licy  prevailed  what  would  be  the  present 
condition  of  Texas?  Would  it  not  constitute  a 
vast  slave  territory,  enriched  and  strengthened 
by  an  immense  influx  of  population  after  the  col- 
lapse of  the  confederate  government,  and  bound 
to  Great  Britain  in  the  closest  social,  political  and 
commercial  alliance,  instead  of  being  the  great 
and  noble  state  it  now  is,  with  territorial  area  of 
imperial  dimensions  dedicated  to  freedom? 

The  frankness  with  which  General  Ripley 
avowed  his  sentiments  during  this  session  evinces 
his  anxiety  to  preserve  fraternal  relations  be- 
tween the  states  and  to  protect  what  he  conceived 
the  constitutional  rights  of  his  constituents,  but  un- 
derstanding as  he  did  the  temper  of  both  sections, 
he  was  not  insensible  to  the  gravity  of  the  con- 
troversy or  unmindful  of  the  teachings  of  history, 
and  came  to  the  conclusion  that  slavery  would 
become  extinct  in  a  hundred  years  and  so  exprss- 
ed  himself  to  a  friend  in  1837. 

But  80  rapidly  did  events  bearing  upon  slav- 
ery, succeed  each  other,  that  its  final  extinction 
was  effected  in  one  fourth  of  the  predicted  time, 
and  now,  after  the  lapse  of  a  quarter  of  a  century, 


II 


■»T  I?-.    "VS^Ji^)* 


tPi'*?^'     sir?^^^''>'3T;rr^ 


•  *.  ''jm*\  -^j-^  ^ 


►/pr- 
events has 
e  and  the 
ratic  party- 
annexation, 
peculation, 

the  exclu- 
the  present 
onstitute  a 
rengthened 
ter  the  col- 

and  bound 
olitical  and 
r  the  great 
rial  area  of 
iom? 

iral  Ripley 
jion  evinces 
ilations  be- 
e  conceived 
ents,  but  un- 
»th  sections, 
of  the  con- 
s  of  history, 
ivery  would 
i  so  exprss- 

l  upon  slav- 
1  extinction 
iicted  time, 
)f  a  century, 


Slavery  Agitation. 


137 


having  passed  through  the  asperities  of  political 
strife  and  calamities  of  civil  war,  in  the  quietude 
of  peace,  surrounded  by  the  evidence  of  national 
prosperity  and  hopeful  of  the  future,  the  A.mer- 
ican  citizen  may  bow  before  the  altar  consecrated 
throughout  the  land  to  freedom,and  reverently  ex- 
claim "what  hath  God  wrought!" 

Upon  the  adjournment  of  Congress,  General 
Ripley  visited  his  New  England  friends,  return- 
ing to  Washington  in  time  to  resume  his  seat  in 
December,  1836. 


m\ 


I 


i  1 


5?**r 


-„*-A 


iT^ 


W**ipM 


HWllWIll 


li: 


v'-',     ,.•;., ^    ^  .:■  ,^.--;''-'    "'--'',■''■'"'"'■■  i: 

■■  ;. .  r  - '  ■' v,:^--=-^''";jS:J-t^^ A'.Vr ^:i; 

-J'^';^v^''p;V' 

CHAPTER  IV. 

■f;r 


At  the  second  session  of  the  Twenty-fourth 
Congress,  he  was  joined  in  Washington  by  his 
brother-in-law,  Honorable  Judah  Dana,of  Fryburg, 
Maine,  and  grand-son  of  Israel  Putnam,  of  Revo- 
lutionary fame.  General  Ripley  in  early  life  had 
been  a  student  in  his  office  when  fitting  for  the 
bar;  had  stood  by  his  side  in  supporting  the  dem- 
ocratic party  prior  to  the  war  of  1812,  and  both 
now  appeared  in  Congress  as  the  friends  and  sup- 
porters of  General  Jackson.  Dana,  having  been 
appointed  United  States  Senator  from  Maine  in 
the  place  of  Senator  Shepley,  resigned,  soon 
after  taking  his  seat,  voted  for  Benton's  famous 
expunging  resolution  of  the  vote  of  censure  upon 
Jackson.  In  the  course  of  the  debate  Dana  ex- 
pressed his  pleasure  in  being  able  to  contribute 
by  his  vote  to  this  act  of  justice  to  the  President. 

X  This  subject  had  greatly  excited  the  public 
mind  since  its  first  introduction.  Jackson's  course 
with  regard  to  the  removal  of  the  United  States 
revenue  from  the  United  States  Bank  in  which  it 
had  been  deposited,  had  aroused  to  the  highest 
pitch  the  fury  of  the  friends  of  the  bank  and  par- 
ticularly of  the  leaders  of  the  whig  party.  These 
thought  the  time  opportune  for  the  crushing  of 
their  great  political  antagonist  and  the  party 
which  sustained  him.     Clay  at  once  with  his  usual 


.■~«c»8>S- 


r^Vfr 


Twentj'^fonrtb  Congress. 


139 


renty-fourth 
5ton   by  his 
of  Fryburg, 
m,  of  Revo- 
rly  life  had 
ting  for  the 
ag  the  detn- 
2,  and  both 
ids  and  sup- 
liaving  been 
m  Maine  in 
igned,     soon 
on' 8  famous 
lensure  upon 
ite  Dana  ex- 
o  contribute 
le  President. 

d  the  public 
kson's  course 
Jnited  States 
k  in  which  it 
)  the  highest 
>ank  and  par- 
jarty.  These 
le  crushing  of 
iid  the  party 
with  his  usual 


boldness  and  skill  pushed  through  the  Senate  on 
the  28th  of  March,  1834,  9  resolution  condemning 
in  the  strongest  terms  tjie  action  of  the  president 
as  a  violation  of  his  constitutional  obligations  and 
as  meriting  rebuke  and  condemnation.  The  presi- 
dent immediately  strongly  protested  upon  various 
grounds  against  this  course  of  the  Senate  and  one 
of  his  friends,  Senator  Benton,  promptly  gave 
notice  that  he  would  introduce  a  resolution  to  ex- 
punge Clay's  resolution  of  censure  from  the  jour- 
nal of  the  Senate  and  would  persist  in  this  effort 
until  it  was  crowued  with  success  or  until  his  own 
political  life  should  terminate. 

The  whole  country  became  agitated  over  the 
question.  State  legislatures  and  the  people  at 
large  made  their  feelings  known  upon  the  one 
side  or  the  other  at  the  National  Capital  and  as 
Clay  was  defiant,  vituperative,  eloquent  and 
adroit  to  defeat  the  obloquy  aimed  at  his  mea- 
sure, so  Benton  was  resolute,  bold,  and  untiring 
in  redeeming  his  pledge.  At  las  the  succeeded 
and  carried  his  resolution  through  the  Senate  on 
the  16th  day  of  March,  ^837,  by  a  majority  of  five, 
and  in  accordance  with  it,  the  Secretary  of  the 
Senate  at  once  proceeded  to  draw  broad  dark 
lines  around  Mr.  Clay's  condemnatory  resolution, 
and  wrote  across  its  face,  "Expunged  by  order  oi 
the  Senate,  the  16th  day  of  March,  1837." 

General  Jackson  was  naturally  and  intensely 
absorbed  in  the  progress  of  the  contest  and  gave 
a  "grand  dinner"  to  those  Senators  who  had  voted 


i.  /I 
i     ■?■ 


Miijj[ji>i»fiir;rn)riic)yM 

■'4-:*' ''  ' 


;  *       .■/'>. 


140         Life  of  Elekzer  Wheelock  Ripley. 

for  his  exculpation  and  their  wives,  but  being 
too  much  enfeebled  by  sickness  he  only  met  them 
at  the  table,  placed  Benton  in  the  chair  and  with- 
drew to  his  sick  room.  "That  expungation,  (said 
Benton)  was  the  crowning  glory  of  Jackson's  civil, 
as  New  Orleans  had  been  of  his  military  life." 

While  the  President  was  the  object  of  attack 
and  defense  in  the  Senate  at  this  session,  his  of- 
ficial and  public  acts  were  subjected  to  the  most 
bitter,  if  not  malignant  assaults  in  the  House. 
Henry  A.  Wise,  of  Virginia,  and  Bailie  Peyton, 
of  Tennessee,  were  conspicious  in  the  attacks  up- 
on the  president.  The  former  seizing  upon  the 
President's  message  as  a  pretext  for  unloading 
his  batteries  of  political  warfare,  and  probably 
with  a  view  of  diminishing  the  popuicrity  of  the 
incoming  administration  to  which  Jackson  was 
known  to  be  favorable,  on  the  12th  of  December, 
1836,  in  the  committee  of  the  whole,  submitted  a 
resolution  "that  a  committee  should  be  appointed 
upon  that  part  of  the  President's  message  which 
related  to  the  condition  of  the  various  Executive 
Departments,  the  ability  and  integrity  with  which 
they  have  been  conducted,  the  vigilant  and  faith- 
ful discharge  of  the  public  business  in  all  of  them, 
and  the  causes  of  complaint  from  any  quarter, 
of  the  manner  in  which  they  have  fulfilled  the 
objects  of  their  creation."        ,  ■     .      , -. 

Mr.  Wise  then  proceeded  to  discuss  the 
policy,  conduct  and  merits  of  the  president, 
drawing  a  parallel  between    him  and  several  of 


Ei'^ 


plejr. 

but  being 
y  met  them 
r  and  with- 
jation,  (said 
tcson's  civil, 
iry  life." 

:t  of  attack 
iion,   his  of- 
;o  the  most 
the   House, 
[lie   Peyton, 
attacks  up- 
g  upon  the 
r  unloading 
id  probably 
ority  of  the 
ackson    was 
f  December, 
submitted  a 
)e  appointed 
3sage  which 
s  Executive 
y  with  which 
nt  and  faith- 
.  all  of  them, 
any  quarter, 
fulfilled  the 

discuss  the 
e  president, 
id  several  of 


Twenty-fourth  Congress. 


141 


the  Roman    Emperors    and   indulging  in  severe 
strictures  upon  the  last  Message. 

His  motion  was  carried  by  a  vote  yeas  86, 
nays  78;  the  committee  was  ordered  to  consist  of 
nine,  and  the  committee  rose  and  reported  to  the 
House.  An  acrimonious  discussion  arose  upon  its 
adoption,  but  it  was  ultimately  adopted  almost 
unanimously,  yeas  165,  nays  9.  General  Ripley 
was  absent,  but  the  resolution  was  voted  for  alike 
by  the  friends  and  opponents  of  the  administra- 
tion: General  Ripley  was  hostile  to  the  resolu- 
tion, when  first  presented,  contending  that  it  was 
a  covert  attempt  to  blacken  the  character  of 
Jackson,  was  unprecedented  in  the  history  of  the 
country,  and  that  before  an  investigation  was 
ordered  specific  charges  should  be  made  to  which 
the  attention  of  the  committees  should  be 
directed. 

He  said;  "Had  this  been  a  proposition  to  in- 
quire into  the  condition  of  the  Department  of 
State,  of  the  Treasury,  of  the  Navy  and  War 
Department,  and  the  General  Post  Office  with  a 
view  to  investigate  abuses,  if  they  exist,  no  per- 
son would  be  more  willing  to  join  in  the  inquiry 
than  myself.  No  individual  would  be  more 
anxious  to  enforce  the  responsibilities  of  subordi- 
nate officers. 

"There  are  none  who  will  go  further  to  ferret 
out  malpractices,  and  if  they  really  exist,  to 
punish  them  with  the  high  constitutional  power 
of  this   House.     Had  the  resolution  for  inquiry 


■tl 


\M 


|iiiyj|>jjiiiiM>ilflj#iiT;mt«BiTiiiii»i«yw>r)\t^>j^^ 


142       Life  of  Eleazer  Wheelock  Riplev. 

had  these  objects  solely  and  honestly  in  view, 
I  should  have  been  the  last  to  oppose  it.  But 
Sir,  the  President  is  constitutionally  responsible 
for  the  whole  of  the  Executive  Department;  the 
various  radia  of  its  powers  concentrate,  as  well  its 
responsibilities  as  its  honors,  upon  him;  and  when 
I  take  these  circumstances  into  view,  and  also 
consider  the  spirit  in  which  this  debate  has  been 
conducted,  the  position  of  the  President  cannot  be 
observed  without  exciting  our  share  of  sympathy, 
shall  we  at  a  moment  when  his  connection  with 
the  Aiijerican  people  is  about  to  terminate  for- 
ever, and  all  the  aspirations  of  ambition  are  to  be 
dissolved  by  age,  infirmities  and  sickness;  when 
the  consciousness  of  his  high  and  devoted  ser- 
vices which  we  all  know  he  must  possess,  and 
the  enthusiastic  affection  of  the  American  people 
were  about  to  cheer  the  evening  of  his  life  and  to 
gild  his  expiring  lamp,  is  it  right  or  proper  for 
the  representatives  of  the  people  whom  he  suc- 
cored and  saved,  to  cut  off  this  departing 
solace,  and  to  embitter  his  last  days,  by  adopting 
a  resolution,  which,  if  adopted,  will  sanction  an 
opinion  of  this  House,  that  corruption  and 
Andrew  Jackson  have  been  coupled  together! 
Will  they  do  this  without  specific  charges, without 
some  allegation  sustained  at  least  by  the  endorse- 
ment of  one  individual  in  the  House,  who  will 
give  his  name  to  posterity  as  the  author  of  the 
allegation!     *    ^       :^^^^     W^  ♦ 

"Party  spirit  has  raged  and  misrepresented 
all  your  Presidents  during  their  term  of  office,but 


r 
ft 


^mm 


H* 


fev. 

in  view, 

it.     But 

esponBible 

ment;  the 

as  well  its 

and  when 

and  also 

;e  has  been 

t  cannot  be 

sympathy, 

action  with 

ninate  for- 

n  are  to  be 

tiess;  when 

ivoted  ser- 

3sses8,  and 

can  people 

life  and  to 

proper  for 

am  he  suc- 

departing 

y  adopting 

sanction  an 

iption     and 

I    together! 

^es,  without 

tie  endorse- 

;,  who  will 

ithor  of  the 

■epresented 
3f  ofifice,but 


Twenty-fourth   Congress. 


143 


they  have  passed  and  are  passing  off  the.  stage  of 
action,  all  with  the  award  of  official  and  personal 
integrity.  Some  have  not  been  re-elected  by  the 
people,  but  against  them  no  charge  of  corruption 
is  found  embodied  in  the  annals  of  the  country. 
Nor  does  any  American  citizen,  at  even  this 
lapse  of  time,  impeach  their  integrity,  no  one 
charges  them  (Jefferson  and  Madison)  with 
wilful  or  wanton  corruption  while  administering 
the  affairs  of  the  commonwealth.  The  only  alle- 
gation made  against  them,  as  they  quit  the  scene 
of  their  labors,  of  their  glories  and  their  services, 
were  that  a  destingusished  member,  formerly 
of  Virginia,  accused  Mr.  Jefferson  of  retiring 
with  a  political  falsehood  in  his  mouth;  and 
an  equally  distinguished  member  from 
Massachusetts  gave  his  solitary  vote  to  im- 
peach Mr.  Madison,  I  have  no  doubt,  sir,  aftef 
the  execitement  of  party  was  over,  both  of  these 
gentlemen  regretted  their  allegations.  The 
charges  never  have,  and  never  will  affect  the 
great  patriarch  of  liberty,  the  author  of  the  Dec- 
laration of  Independence.or  his  equally  illustrious 
friend,  the  founder  and  champion  of  our  constitu- 
tion. The  one  unfurled  to  the  world,  the  princi- 
ples of  popular  government,  the  other  more 
than  any  man  connected  liberty  with  law  and  se- 
cured an  equality  of  political  rights  by  securing 
to  society  the  fruits  of  labor.         *  * 

"The  honorable  member  (Mr.  Peyton,  of  Ten- 
nessee) has  also  referred  to  the  Secretery  of  the 


■ti 


III 


V:: 


.  \ 


ii,ifm]»nvi 


144         Life  of  Eleazer  IVheelock  Ripley. 

Treasury  aa  being  embraced  in  the  general  alle- 
gation of  corrup*'v.n.  Sir,  the  lofty  character  of 
Levi  Woodbury  is  too  well  known  to  this  House 
and  to  this  Nation,  to  require  any  comment  from 
me.  Born,  reared  and  educated  amidst  the  granite 
mountains  of  lay  native  state,  hia  stern  and  ster- 
ling virtues  had  already  carried  him  to  the  high- 
est honors  of  New  Hampshire,  when  in  the  midst 
of  the  panic  battle,  he  was  called  to  the  arduous 
duties  of  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States. 
New  England  may  justly  feel  proud  of  the  high 
character  which  he  has  reflected  back  upon  his 
native  land.  And  let  me  ask,  what  inducement 
to  corruption  can  there  be  on  the  part  of  Levi 
Woodbury?  There  has  been  no  special  charge 
against  him,  not  a  whisper  of  prejudice  that  he 
has  done  anything  to  forfeit  his  exalted  character. 
He  is  affluent  in  his  personal  situation,  with  every 
thing  to  make  him  happy  in  domestic  life,  and 
above  all,  principles  of  the  most  stern  and  un- 
bending integrity  are  jnterwoven  with  his  nature. 
The  only  allegation  insinuated  against  him  is,  that, 
in  the  exercise  of  his  duty  imposed  by  a  law 
passed  by  this  House,  he  is  compelled  to  transact 
official  business  with  an  agent  of  the  deposite 
banks.  "That  agent  is  no  agent  of  this  govern- 
ment,   we    have    no    constitutional    power    over 

him."t  ■■  *>v   -.V ,  ■:  r*,;,y.:  *   ■  ♦  ♦ 

"I  feel  sir,  that  I  should  have  but  unworthily 

fAt  a  late  period,  Mr.  Woodbury  became  a  distinguished 
member  of  the  United  States  Court, 


W?i^ 


plev. 

^neral  alle- 
•haracter  of 
this  House 
ment  from 
the  granite 
ti  and  ster- 
o  the  high- 
n  the  midst 
he  arduous 
ted  States. 
Df  the  high 
c  upon  his 
inducement 
art  of  Levi 
cial  charge 
lice  that  he 
\  character. 
,  with  every 
ic  life,  and 
ern  and  un- 
L  his  nature, 
him  is,  thati 
i   by  a  law 

to  transact 

he  deposite 

his  govern- 

power    over 

*  » 

unworthily 

a  distinguished 


'■>VMi-1 


•    .V.  Twentj'- fourth    Congress.  ' .  I4S 

discharged  my  duty  as  a  representative  of 
Louisiana,  had  I  not  raised  my  voice  in  opposi-' 
tion  to  this  resolution!  Whatever  may  be  the 
personal  or  political  predilections  of  my  constitu- 
ents, gratitude  to  Andrew  Jackson  for  the  inesti- 
mable benefits,  he  has  conferred  upon  the  citizens 
of  our  State  is  an  almost  pervading  sentiment. 
It  is  like  the  vestal  flame,  guarded  with  intense 
care,  and  faithfully  transmitted  from  one  genera- 
tion to  another."* 

At  a  subsequent  day  a  select  committee  was 
appointed  in  accordance  with  Wise's  Resolution, 
but  no  report  was  made  upon  the  subject  matter 
referred  to  it.  Wise  and  Peyton  were  both 
members  of  the  committee  and  in  one  of  its 
meetings  the  latter  became  embroiled  in  a 
quarrel  with  Reuben  B.  Whitney,  a  witness, 
whom  the  committee  considered  contumacious; 
Peyton  flew  into  an  ungovernable  and  discred- 
itable passion.  Wise-  espoused  his  cause,  the 
witness  was  arrested  and  brought  to  the  bar  of 
the  Honse  to  answer  for  his  conduct  and  from 
the  investigation  which  followed  crd  ccnsumed 
much  time  until  the  very  eve  of  the  adjournment 
of  the  24th  congress,  it  would  not  have  been 
unnatural  for  a  stranger  to  infer  that  Wise  and 
Peyton  for  their  overbearing  conduct  and  pro- 
fanity towards  the  witness,  were  culprits  whose 
conduct  was  the  subject  of  the  investigation. 

General  Ripley  soon  after  the  effort  he  made 
*Congressioiial  Globe  App.  p  30-31 — 1836-7. 


ii 


i 


■'££'* 

P 

i 


ih 


'"xTii  iCTiir.  nivnm-^t'VKmfmmKaL 


,.' 


140         Life  of  Btcnzer  Wheelock  Ripley. 

iti  vindication  of  Jackvson  was  precluded  by  ill 
health  from  further  active  participation  in  the 
proceedings  of  Congress.  Ke-elected  in  1830  by 
an  overwhelming  majority,  he  was  unable  to  take 
his  seat  in  the  25th  Congress. 

Prior  to  the  adjournment  of  the  24th  Congress, 
in  the  spring  of  1837,  he  experienced  an  attack 
resembling  paralysis  and  at  first  his  life  was 
despaired  of.  Slowly  regaining  sulificient  strength 
to  travel,  Y.-^  '.  inimenced  his  journey  homeward, 
where  he  arrived  m  the  latter  part  of  May  with 
his  health  apparenti/  somewhat  improved  and  it 
was  hoped  by  his  many  friends  that  it  would  be 
sufficiently  restored  to  enable  him  to  discharge 
the  duties  of  representative,  but  these  hopes 
were  doomed  to  disappointment. 

At  times,  his  mind  seemed  endowed  with 
unusual  vigor  while  at  other  moments  he  ap- 
peared laboring  under  a  high  state  of  nervoua 
excitment  if  not  alienation  of  mind,  doubtless 
aggravated  by  the  effects  of  the  wound  received 
at  the  sortie  of  Fort  Erie. 

In  an  almost  helpless  condition,  his  strength 
and  mental  powers  gradually  sinking,  he 
lingered  until  the  second  of  March,  A.  D.,  1839, 
when  he  expired  at  his  plantation  in  the  Parish 
of  East  Feliciana.  He  was  removed  for  inter- 
ment to  the  plantation  of  Judge  Boyle  in  West 
Feliciana,  the  family  burying  ground  of  his 
surviving  widow,  where  the  last  sad  rites  to  the 


m 


pley. 

ided  by  ill 

ion   in  the 

in  183G  by 

ible  to  take 

th  Congress, 
d  an  attack 
lis  life  was 
ent  strength 
homeward, 
)f  May  with 
roved  and  it 
it  would  be 
0  discharge 
these  hopes 

idowed  with 
lents  he  ap- 
of  nervous 
a,  doubtless 
nd   received 

his  strength 
sinking,  he 
.,  A.  D.,  1839, 
n  the  Parish 
d  for  inter- 
y\e  in  West 
>und  of  his 
rites  to  the 


'■■  ii(M,ii|iii(»ii|iiiiiiwii>ijiiirini 


Slavery  Agitation. 


147 


departed,  were  paid  to  his  feniains  by  the  Louis- 
iana Jackson  volunteer  military  company. 

General  Ripley  was  married  twice,  his  first 
wife  whom  he  married  ip  1811,  was  the  daughter 
of  Reverend  Thomas  Allen,  of  Pittsfield,  Mas- 
sachusetts, who  was  chaplain  in  the  Revolutionary 
war,  and  was  with  General  Stark  at  the  battle 
of  Bennington,  and  died  at  the  Bay  of  Biloxi 
in  1820.  A  son  and  daughter  were  the  fruits 
of  this  marriage  and  upon  the  death  of  their 
mother  were  sent  to  their  Uncle,  General  James 
W.  Ripley,  of  Fry  burg,  Maine,  to  be  educatad, 
where  they  remained  until  their  father  some 
years  subsequently,  married  Mrs.  Smith,  of  the 
Parish  of  West  Feliciana,  Lcuigiana,  when  they 
returned  lo  the  paternal  roof.  The  son  Henry, 
as  already  narrated,  fell  in  ths  cau33  of  Texas 
and  the  daughter  married  Thornton  Lawson, 
Esq.,  who  3t  the  time  of  his  death  was  judge  of 
the  judicial  district  in  which  heresided,  and  who, 
previous  to  going  upon  the  bench,  had  been 
an  active  and  influential  member  of  the  demo- 
cratic party  in  the  State.  A  Tennesseean  by 
birth,  he  came  to  the  state  with  letters  of 
introduction  from  Jackson  to  whom  he  was 
greatly  attached.  His  wife  survived  him  several 
years,  and  died  in  1872  in  the  Parish  of  St.  Charles. 
Her  only  child,  a  daughter,  died  many  years 
previously  in  New  Orleans.  Mrs.  Lawson  was 
a  lady  of  great  intellectual  vigor,  of  fascinating 
manners    and    was     universally    esteemed     and 


V 


-^'Hrr'rr^ 


. .  ■:*)4?^i^.'!^-^^^^'^^iB^^ki>:>^-^&mi&-J^£i^ig'  iiKva^MW-^-iii^'- 


.. ,, .  .7.. ..,  .  .^,. ..- «.  t,y  m^iri>. «f. rf".  ar.a'f.ffws: 


t48         Life  of  EleEZer  Wheelock  Ripley. 

beloved.  The  death  of  those  nearest  and  dearest  to 
her  clouded  her  last  days  with  projtound  sorrow 
and  at  times  "obscured  her  reav^on  to  such  in 
extent  as  to  require  great  watchfulne^s  upon  the. 
part  of  her  friends.  .?■_'''"       '  ",    '  ' 

General  Ripley  had  no  children  by  the  second 
marriage  and  his  surviving  widow  afterwards 
married  and  of  whom  her  daughter  writes;  "she 
died  October  29th,  1869,  at  uie  age  of  sixty-three, 
honored  and  loved  by  all  that  knew  her."         ,, 


./■  ^y.-.'. 


■J     •  ^^S■;r,s■■ 


,    r?^^;v,V;,-:;-.v 


"■ -•  ,^'  -'--fM''_,, 


'\-:''m 


rV' 


5      J 


a-.'  /ViV'3S?=-l->'i-5^i-i 


iplejr.  f 

id  dearest  to 

)und  eorrow 

to  such  in 

ss  upon  the 

y  the  second 
afterwards 

writes;  "she 
sixty-three, 

;r." 


■/     v 


t  ■ 
>  r 


,;,     ,j.,,     ,,.,;,  V 


11* 


lit 

Iff 


fS'i 


I 


^S 


I 


'-III 


i:r;Mr''iiirri'rffiin'iift'i-TiV<?iTy''---^'W'"'''*»"'*^''' 


m 


fi^ 


\K 


if  ¥j 


f  HI 
Mf 


1 


':,;'■  -^w~ 


1 


APPENDIX. 


!     Politics  in  New  England  Prior  to  1815. 

'  Allusion  has  been  made  in  the  preceding  Life 
of  Ripley  to  his  earlj'^  affiliation  with  the  republi- 
can party  and  to  the  virulence  of  party  spirit 
prior  to  1815,  and  without  then  enlarginj^  upon 
those  topics  we  have  reserved  a  brief  survey  of 
them  as  more  appropriate  to  this  place. 

The  charter  of  a  United  States  Bank,  the  dif- 
ficulties with  France,  the  Alien  and  Sedition  laws, 
the  pacific  measures  of  Jefferson  and  the  war  with 
Great  Britain  greatly  agitated  the  public  mind 
during  that  period,  and  are  not  devoidof  interest 
after  the  lapse  of  three  quarters  of  a  century,  and 
enable  us  to  form  a  juster  estimate  of  the 
honesty,  patriotism  and  wisdom  of  those  who  dis- 
cussed and  settled  those  ex i.-, ting  questions. 

The  convention  of  1787,  after  a  long  and  la- 
borious b  ^sion,  succeeded  in  framing  and  8ub-> 
mitting  to  he  people  of  the  States  for  ratification, 
that  Const. Uiti on,  which,  with  some  subsequent 
amendment,  has  proved  for  a  century,  the  great 
charter  of  our  political  principles  and  the  sup- 
port of  our  national  existence.  During  the  dis- 
cussions of  its  different  provisions  in  the  conven- 
tion and  before  the  people,  a  great  difference  of 


jr^ 


',  t 


It 

*  t 

ft 


152 


Adoption  of  the  Constitution. 


opinion  was  manifested  as  to  its  merits  and  de- 
fects. It  was  only  after  the  most  strenuous  ex- 
ertions by  its  friends,  including'  Washington, 
Hamilton,  Madison,  Jay  and  others  of  distinguish- 
ed ability,  was  its  ratification  secured  against  the 
vigorous  opposition  of  such  revolutionary  patri- 
ots as  Samuel  Adams,  George  Clinton,  and  Pat- 
rick Henry.  The  latter  were  filled  with  appre- 
hensions that  the  proposed  government,  if  estab- 
lished, would,  by  the  assumption  of  implied  pow- 
ers, become  a  consolidated  government  that 
would  override  the  reserved  rightvS  of  the  states 
and  eventuall}'^  prove  dangerous  to  the  liberties 
of  the  people.  s    • 

With  the  ratification  of  the  Constitution,  all 
eyes  turned  to  Washington  as  a  fit  man  to  be 
placed  at  the  head  of  the  new  government  and  he 
was  twice  elected  with  gratifying  unanimity  to 
the  exalted  position  of  President.  For  eight  years 
he  performed  his  executive  duties  so  wisely  and 
well  as  to  secure  to  himself  the  love  and  admira- 
tion of  his  countrymen. 

At  this  period  the  old  dynasties  of  Europe 
were  either  crumbling  inco  ruins  or  threatened 
with  destruction  by  the  advancing  light  and  in- 
vigorating influences  of  republican  ideas,  and  so 
profound  and  wide  spread  was  the  sympathy  in 
the  United  states  with  the  cause  of  freedom 
among  the  oppressed  and  down  trodden  people 
of  other  lands  that  it  threatened  to  overstep  the 
boundaries  of  prudence  and   plunge  our  govern- 


n. 


Jefferson  and  Hamilton. 


153 


;8  and  de- 
nuoua  ex- 
ashington, 
istinguish- 
gainst  the 
larj'  patri- 
and  Pat- 
ith  appre- 
t,  if  estab- 
plied  pow- 
tnent  that 
the  states 
e   liberties 

itution,  all 
man  to  be 
ent  and  he 
animity  to 
jight  years 
visely  and 
tid  admira- 

of  Europe 
threatened 
ht  and  in- 
sas,  and  so 
'mpathy  in 
[  freedom 
len  people 
erstep  the 
Lir  govern- 


ment unwisely  into  European  conflicts.  Wash- 
ington with  keen  perception  saw  the  danger 
and  averted  it  with  cool  judgment  and  firm  hand. 
The  same  good  judgment  and  patriotism  were 
exhibited  in  the  management  of  the  complicated 
and  nice  questions  which  resulted  from  the  revo* 
lutionary  war,  such  as  providing  for  the  payment 
of  the  Continental  and  State  debts,  contracted  in 
sustaining  the  war,  and  just  remuneration  to  the 
suffering  soldiers  who  had  so  bravely  borne  its 
burdens.  To  these  were  added  questions  bearing 
upon  the  future  effectiveness  of  the  government, 
such  as  the  question  of  a  national  bank.  Upon 
some  of  these  questions,  there  was  harmony  of 
opinion  but  upon  others  the  widest  difference 
and  the  fiercest  contest,  and  out  of  them  grew 
those  political  organizations,  which  were  known 
until  1815,  as  republican  or  democratic  on  the  one 
side  and  federal  upon  the  other.  As  ajnong  the 
people,  so  the  same  division  existed  in  the  cabi* 
net  of  the  president,  those  two  great  men, 
Thomas  Jefferson,  the  philanthropist,  and  Alex- 
ander Hamilton,  the  great  financier,  representing 
opposite  sides. 

While  the  work  of  creating  the  new  Consti- 
tution was  going  on  in  tliis  country  and  while 
Hamilton  was  giving  it  the  support  of  Ih'h  great 
intellect,  Jefferson  was  representing  his  country 
in  Prance  where  his  feelings  were  strongly  enlist- 
ed in  the  republican  cause.  By  his  draft  of  the 
Declaration  of  American  Independence  in  1776, 
hie    name    had    become    inseparably    connected 


1    ; 
-1 .  i 


,■., ) 


m^ 


.:» v^;-  ;■■ 


154 


Jefferson  as  a  Refortner. 


Wi 


t 


with  that  instrument,  while  his  subsequent  efforts 
to  adapt  the  institutions  of  his  native  Viri^nia  to 
republican  principles  caused  him  to  be  recogniz- 
ed every  where  as  an  illustrious  statesman.  Re- 
tiring from  Congress,  he  took  his  seat  in  the  Vir- 
ginia House  of  Burgesses,  in  1776,  and  became 
immediately  the  master  spirit  in  revolutionizing 
the  domestic  and  long  established  institutions  of 
the  State.    ..s*  ^^  < 

The  whole  system  of  entails,  which  transmit- 
ted land  and  slaves  from  generation  to  genera- 
tion without  the  power  of  alienation  and  secure 
from  the  claims  of  creditors  was  soon  swept  away 
by  his  vigorous  action.  The  same  fate  soon  over- 
took the  law  of  primogeniture  under  which  the 
eldest  son  inherited  the  land  and  slaves  of  his 
father.  Such  a  far  reaching  revolution  of  prop- 
erty interests  encountered  strong  opposition 
from  the  parties  directly  affected  and  the  bitter 
hostility  which  it  aroused  against  him  is  thus 
described  by  his  biographer.  "That  distinguish- 
ed class,  whose  existence  as  a  social  caste,  had 
been  forever  destroyed,  reviled  the  destroyer 
from  this  time  forth  with  relentless  animosity; 
and  even  to  the  second  and  fourth  generations, 
the  descendants  of  many  of  these  patrician 
families  vindictively  cursed  the  Statesman  who 
had  placed  them  on  a  level  with  the  rest  of  their 
countrymen." 

He  aimed  at  the  establishment  of  as  com- 
plete  religious    freedom    as  now    exists    in  the 


Jefferson  as  a  Reformer. 


153 


went  efforts 
Vir^nia  to 
e  recogniz- 
8inan.  Re- 
in the  Vir- 
nd  became 
)lutionizing 
titutions  of 

h  transmit- 
to  genera- 
and  secure 
swept  away 
£  soon  over- 
which  the 
aves  of  his 
on  of  prop- 
opposition 
d  the  bitter 
lim    is  thus 
distinguish- 
1  caste,  had 
le   destroyer 
4  animosity; 
generations, 
se   patrician 
tesman  who 
rest  of  their 

of  as  com- 
xists    in  the 


United  States,  but  the  bill  he  introduced  for  this 
purpose  was  stubbornly  resisted  by  the  establish- 
ed church  and  did  not  become  a  law  to  its  full 
extent  until  1786. 

Two  important  subjects,  which  were  dear 
to  his  heart,  failed  of  accomplishment.  One 
was  the  adoption  of  an  extensive  and  far  reaching 
school  system  and  the  other,  a  law  providing  for 
the  abolition  of  slavery.  Of  the  latter  he  wrote 
in  1821;  "it  was  found  that  ttie  public  mind  would 
not  yet  bear  the  proposition,  nor  will  it  bear  it  even 
to  this  day,  yet  the  day  is  not  distant  when  it  must 
bear  and  adopt  it,  or  worse  will  follow.  Nothing 
is  more  certainly  written  in  the  book  of  fate  than 
that  these  people  are  to  be  free."  Being  a  mem- 
ber of  Congress  in  1783,  he  presented  the  deed 
of  cession  made  by  Virginia  of  her  claim  to  the 
North  Western  territory,  and  was  placed  upon  a 
committee  to  draw  up  a  plan  for  i'.s  government. 
This  plan  which  contemplated  new  States  in 
the  future  has  been  ascribed  to  him  and  con- 
tained a  provision,  'that  after  the  year  18Q0,  of 
the  christian  era  there  shall  be  neither  slavery 
nor  involuntary  servitude  in  any  of  the  said 
states,  otherwise  than  in  punishment  of  crimes, 
etc." 

This  provision,  however,  was  defeated,  only 
six  of  the  North  Eastern  and  Middle  States 
voting  for  it.  It  was  destined  to  reappear  with- 
out reference  to  a  future  period  in  the  memorable 
ordinance  of  1787  providing  for  the  government 


11!  r:  i 


ii 


m 


156 


JefFersoii  and  Hamilton. 


it 


of  the  territory  north  west  of  the  Ohio  river, 
which,  in  positive  terms,  excluded  slavery  from 
the  territory,  and  remains  a  perpetual  monu- 
ment of  the  views  and  aspirations  of  the  founders 
of  the  Republic.;^       5  ?  nv :  v- 

Having  been  Minister  to  France,  in  1789, 
Jefferson  returned  to  the  United  States,  and 
upon  the  solicitation  of  Washington,  and 
strongly  urged  by  Madison  was  induced  to 
accept  the  position  of  Secretary  of  the  foreign 
Department  and  entered  upop  the  discharge  of 
its  duties  in  March  1790.      -\i 

At  this  period  the  financial  condition  of  th ; 
country  absorbed  the  public  mind  and  was 
discussed  upon  different  sides  with  great  vehe- 
mence. Hamilton,  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasurj^ 
had  brought  to  the  subject  his  great  and  mar- 
velous financiering  ability  and,  under  his  skill- 
ful leadership,  the  foreign  debt  and  the  domestic 
National  debt  were  disposed  of  in  accordance 
with  his  recommendations,  but  his  scheme  for 
the  assumption  of  the  war  debts  of  the  individual 
States  met  with  fierce  opposition,  and  on  the  29th 
of  March  was  voted  down  by  a  small  majority. 
The  excitment,  already  intense,  increased,  and  the 
assumption  of  the  State  debts  occupied  all  minds 
to  the  exclusion  of  other  matters.  Congress  met 
and   adjourned  without  doing  anything. 

The  secretary  of  the  Treasury  was  over- 
whelmed with  profound  anxiety  and  the  crisis 
called  into  activity  all  the  resources  of  his  fertile 


!  - 


Jefferson  and  Hamilton, 


157 


3hio  river, 
jvery  from 
tual  monu- 
ne  founders 

e.  in  1789, 
States,  and 
igton,  and 
induced  to 
the  foreign 
lischarge  of 

lition  of  th ; 
1     and    was 

great  vehe- 
e  Treasury, 
:at  and  raar- 
er  his  skill- 
he  domestic 
I  accordance 

scheme  for 
le  individual 
i  on  the  29th 
all  majority, 
ased,  and  the 
ied  all  minds 
'ongress  met 
ng. 

Y    was    over- 
nd   the  crisis 

of  his  fertile 


miiid  to  avert  the  defeat  of  one  of  his  cherished 
measures  and   to  secure    a    few  coveted  votes. 

The  permanent  location  of  the  national 
Capital  was  still  unsettled  and  created  bitter  con- 
troversy. Hamilton  eagerly  seized  upon  this  as 
f*  tneans  of  extricating  himself  from  the  difficul- 
ties with  which  he  was  encompassed  and  adroit- 
ly made  advances  to  Jefferson  to  secure  his  co-op  - 
eration.  The  latter,  recently  returned  from 
Europe,  and  perhaps  not  fully  realizing  the  cur- 
rent of  public  affairs  or  the  character  of  Hamilton 
or  his  designs  as  afterwards  portrayed  by  himself 
gave  his  influence  in  the  desired  direction  and 
the  assumption  of  the  State  debts  and  the  per- 
manent location  of  the  National  Capital  upon  the 
banks  of  the  Potomac  were  soon  accomplished. 

Jefferson,  however,  was  not  at  ease  for  the 
part  he  performed  in  the  trans^ction,  and  ere 
long  made  the  humiliating  acknowledgement 
that  he  had  been  duped  by  Hamilton.  They 
soon  became  widely  estranged  and  began  to  look 
upon  each  other  with  profound  dislike.  This 
was  so  strong  with  Jefferson,  that  he  was  unwill- 
ing to  remain  in  the  cabinet  but  Washington 
suceeded  in  retaining  him  till  the  close  of  1793. 

At  the  session  of  Congress  which  convened 
in  December  1790,  Hamilton  submitted  his  plan 
of  a  National  Bank  and  discussed  w^ith  his  custo- 
mary ability  the  constitutionality,  the  utility  and 
expediency  of  such  an  institution.  A  charter  of 
a  bank  having  finally  passed  Congress,  the  presi- 


%1 

n 


I 


lii.lv 


-in 


:  i 


T*" 


'  ,1- 


iiiiiaaa 


iCi^^ii2aCiStX;5-^i£'-:-.; 


15S 


United  States  Bank. 


'•'i  ;!('• 


dent,  before  j^iving  it  his  approval,  required  of 
his  constitutional  advisers  their  opinions  in  writ- 
ing as  to  its  constitutionality.  Jefferson  and  Ran- 
dolph, the  attorney  g-eneral,  were  decidedly  of  the 
opinion  that  Congress,  by  the  passage  of  the  bill, 
had  obviously  transcended  their  constitutional  pow- 
ers, while  Hamilton,  and  Knox,  Secretary  of  War, 
as  decidedly  maintained  a  contrary  opinion.  Af- 
ter mature  consideration,  the  president  approved 
the  law,  but  in  commenting  upon  this,  Smucker, 
in  his  life  of  Hamilton,  says: 

"His  habitual  propensity  to  add  rifror  to  the 
Union,  inclined  hi'  to  the  conviction  that  the 
Bank  was  fully  auii.  irized  by  the  Constitution, 
and  he  accordingly  gave  the  sanction  of  his  sig- 
nature to  the  act  of  incorporation.  It  cannot  be 
doubted,  however,  that  his  mind  had  been  long 
predetermined  in  favor  of  the  measure;  and,  that 
however  he  might  hold  his  judgment  open  to  a 
conviction  of  its  illegality,  should  it  be  made  so 
to  appear  to  him,  yet  that  his  wishes  and  affec- 
tions toward  it  as  a  favorite  measure  of  his  feder- 
al policy,  had  closed  those  avenues  to  conviction, 
which  can  only  bias  the  iinderstandim?  when  the 
feelings  are  neutral  and  the  desires  uninfluenced 
toward  a  particular  conclusion." 

At  the  preceding  session  of  Congress,  the 
proposition  to  assume  the  paj-^ment  of  the  State 
debts  had  been  inveighed  against  as  unconstitu- 
tional and  as  conferring  upon  the  general  govern- 
ment dangerous  and  preponderating  influence  ac- 


^^. 


quired  of 
8  in  writ- 
and  Ran- 
dly  of  the 
f  the  bill, 
ional  pow- 
y  of  War^^ 
tiion.  Af«. 
approved 
Smucker, 

iror  to  the 

I   that  the 

nstitution, 

)f  his   sig- 

cannot   be 

been  long 

;;  and,  that 

open  to  a 

i  made  eo 

and  affec- 

his  feder- 

conviction, 

when  the 

linfluenced 

igress,  the 
f  the  State 
unconstitu- 
ral  govern- 
ifluence  ac- 


Devvlopment  of  Parties. 


159 


companied  by  a  pernicioua  diminution  of  the 
consequence  .ind  influence  of  the  State  govern- 
ments. All  those  who  had  been  opposed  to  the 
ratification  of  the  Constitution  as  tending  to  l)uild 
lip  a  grand  consolidated  government  naturally 
gravitated  to  this  side  of  the  question.  Their 
numbers  were  now  increased  by  those  who  were 
opposed  to  enlarging  the  powers  of  the  govern- 
ment beyond  those  actually  conferred,  by  a  broad 
construction  and  by  implication.  Jefferson  and 
Madison  who  had  been  so  conspicuous  in  secur- 
ing the  ratification  of  the  constitution  were  among 
these. 

The  discussions  upon  the  assumption  of  the 
State  debts,  followed  by  that  of  the  Bank  qnes- 
tion  brought  into  full  light  the  conflicting  and  in- 
harmonious views  of  public  men  nnd  gave  rise  to 
those  two  adverse  parties  which  were  for  many 
years  known  as  the  federal  party  upon  the  one 
side  and  republican  and  democratic  upon  the 
other.  In  the  discussion  of  the  bank  question, 
Mr.  Jefferson  presented  in  unambiguous  language 
his  views  of  the  powers  of  Congress,  but  his  able 
and  exhaustive  argument,  while  clearly  indicating 
the  foundation  and  views  of  the  republican  party, 
failed  to  convince  the  judgment  of  Washington 
and  presented  the  antagonistic  views  of  Jefferson 
and  Hamilton  in  the  strongest  light,  placed  each 
at  the  head  of  opposing  parties  and  these,  not 
confining  themselves  to  the  field  of  argument, 
soon   passed   into  the   boundless   region  of   sus- 


f! 


*? 


••^11 


1 

ir«:i 
"1 


M 


1 


Vi 


^^^  4i4*»Ptl?vtr3£SC 


iMiTI  I  itn^»    y..Mi.li|t   J^ 


i-i;  ^»(..^J.i'^^'-*T      -*v».^^*tiJ^S?." 


Iff 


IfiO 


IJatniUott. 


i). 


picion  and  abuse.  Jefferson  and  Hamilton  were 
portrayed  by  their  opponents  with  venomous 
pens  and  the  leaders  themselves  lost  all  respect 
for  each  other.  •  •.    ;    ■-■.     '  -     : 

Jefferson  said  that  he  told  Washington  in 
1792,  "that  though  the  people  were  soimd,  there 
were  a  numerous  sect  who  had  monarchy  in  con- 
templation; that  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
was  one  of  these.  That  I  had  heard  him  say  that 
this  Constitution  was  a  shilly-shally  thing  of 
mere  milk  and  water,  which  could  not  last  and 
was  only  good  as  a  step  to  something  better. 
That  when  we  reflected  that  he  had  endeavored 
in  the  Convention  to  make  an  English  constitu- 
tion of  it,  and  when  in  failing  in  that  we  saw  all 
his  measures  tending  to  bring  it  to  the  same 
thing,  it  was  natural  for  us  to  be  jealous;  and  par- 
ticularly when  we  saw  that  these  measures  had 
established  corruption  in  the  Legislature  where 
there  Wfis  a  squadron  devoted  to  the  nod  of  the 
Treasurer,  doing  whatever  he  had  directed  or 
which  he  should  direct."  i   :.:"''v-r^:-:/.-Mm-'ftK-ti:-.- 

While  such  was  the  light  in  which  Hamilton 
appeared  to  Jefferson,  Marshall,  their  great  co- 
temporary,  and  of  the  same  political  party  with 
Hamlinton,  wrote  of  him:  "While  one  party  sin- 
cerely believes  his  object  to  be  the  preservation 
of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  in  its 
purity,  the  other,  with  perhaps  equal  sincerity 
imputed  to  him,  the  insiduous  intention  of  sub- 
verting it.     While  his  friends    were    persuaded 


Iton  were 
venomous 
ill  respect 

ingtoii    in 
und.  there 
ly  in  con- 
Treasury 
[11  say  that 
thing    of 
t  last  and 
ng  better, 
indeavored 
1  constitu- 
(ve  saw  all 
the   same 
is;  and  par- 
jsures  had 
;ure   where 
nod  of  the 
iirected   or 

I  Hamilton 
r  great  co- 
party  with 
a  party  sin- 
•reservation 
bates  in  its 
d  sincerity 
tion  of  sub- 
persuaded 


tl^ashingt<,n  niiil  Hamilton, 


101 


ill 


that  as  a  statesman  he  viewed  foreign  nations  with 
un  equal  eye,  his  enemies  could  perceive  in  his 
conduct  only  Uoatility  to  France  and  friendship 
to  her  rival. 

In  the  good  opinion  of  the  President,  to 
whom  he  was  best  known,  he  had  always  held 
a  high  place;  and  he  carried  with  him  out  of 
office,  the  same  cordial  esteem  for  his  character 
and  respect  for  his  talentw,  which  had  induced  his 
appointment.  .  ^^      ,  .    ;> 

As  embarrassing  and  disagreeable  as  the 
antagonism  of  his  two  Secretaries  proved  to  the 
President,  he  fully  appreciated  their  good  quali- 
ties, held  the  scales  of  justice  with  even  hand  be- 
tween them,  and  knew  what  allowance  to  make 
for  their  mutual  distrusts.  These  did  not  divert 
him  from  pursuing  the  even  tenor  of  his  way  and 
doing  that  which  he  considered  best  for  the  inter- 
ests of  his  country.        .,  .        ,,     :         ,,  . 

Notwithstanding  the  able  and  probably  to 
many  minds,  unanswerable  arguments  of  Jefferson, 
Washington  finally  approved  of  the  bank  bill, 
and  its  constitutionality  subsequently  coming 
before  the  Supreme  Court  for  consideration 
was  sustained  by  that  august  tribunal.  This 
decision,  however,  did  not  secure  the  approval 
of  many  eminent  men,  remained  for  many  years 
a  subject  of  contention  and  bitter  controversy  and 
extensively  divided  public  opinion.  The  estab- 
lishment of  the  bank  and  the  opposition  it  evoked 
in  Congress  strengthened   the  antagonism   of  the 


'■tn 


s  , 


:     I 


li 


'Ill 


HMIWlllliMiliWiil   i.iii 


sifsiignifrr 


162 


Jefferson  and  Hamilton. 


In 


Federal  and  Democratic  parties  and  drew  down 
upon  Hamilton  as  the  head  of  the  former,  for 
Buocessive  years,  the  most  bitter  assaults.  He 
was  held  up  to  public  execration  as  a  monarchist 
and  as  aiming  to  establish  his  favorite  strong 
government  by  insidiously  and  systematically 
subverting     the  safeguards    of  the    constitution. 

On  the  other  hand,  Jefferson  did  not  escape 
the  fiercest  vituperation  from  his  political  op- 
ponents. His  religious  sentiments  were  bitterly 
assailed;  he  was  pointed  at  as  the  base  and  servile 
tool  of  French  revolutionary  Jacobins,  and 
nothing  politically  was  too  execrable  to  1  e  im- 
puted to  him  by  his  infuriated  enemies. 

Th^  repellent  picture  drawn  by  each  party, 
and  its  leaders  of  the  other  side  has  been  softened 
by  time;  what  was,  in  the  heat  of  party  excite- 
ment considered  just  grounds  of  condemnation 
has  been  disjjelled  by  the  light  of  subsequent 
revelations  and  now  both  Jefferson  and  Hamilton 
receive  the  plaudits  of  the  American  people  as 
statesmen  and  patriots  seeking  each  according  to 
his  own  judgement,    he  welfare  of  his  country. 

The  charge  of  being  a  monarchist,  however 
pressed  so  heavily  upon  Hamilton,  in  conse- 
quence of  his  course  in  the  Convention  of  1787 
and  the  unfavorable  remarks,  in  which  he  was 
said  to  have  indulged,  with  regard  to  its  imper- 
fections, that  on  the  16th  of  {September  1803,  in 
a  le^'er  addressed  to  Timothy  Pickering,  we  are 
supplied  by  him  with  the  following  vindicatioii: 


I'H. 


rrr. 


Hamilton's  Self  Vindication. 


1G3 


drew  down 
former,  for 
ssaults.  He 
1  monarchist 
orite  strong 
stematicall)'' 
constitution. 

i  not  escape 
political  op- 
Are  re  bitterly 
e  and  servile 
icobins,  and 
)ie  to  I  e  im- 
les. 

y  each  party, 
)een  softened 
party  excite- 
;ondemnation 
f  subsequent 
nd  Hamilton 
an  people  as 
according  to 
8  country. 

hist,  however 
)n,  in  conse- 
ntion  oi  1787 
vhich  he  was 
to  its  imper- 
mber  1803,  in 
:ering,  we  are 
vindication: 


"The  highest  toned  propositions,  which  I 
made  in  the  Convention,  were  for  a  President, 
Senate  and  Judges,  during  good  behavior;  a 
House  of  Representatives  for  three  years. 
Though  I  would  have  enlarged  the  legislative 
power  of  the  general  government,  yet  I  never 
contemplated  the  abolitior)  of  the  State  govern- 
ments; but  on  the  contra*/,  they  were  in  some 
particulars,  constituent  parts  of  my  plan.  *  * 

"And  I  may  add  that  in  the  course  of  the 
discussions  in  the  Convention,  neither  the  propo- 
sitions thrown  out  for  debate,  nor  even  those  who 
voted  in  the  earlier  stages  of  deliberation,  were 
considered  as  evidence  of  a  definitive  opinion  in 
the  proposer  or  voter.  It  appeared  to  be  in  vsort 
understood  that,  with  a  view  to  free  investigation 
experimental  propositions  might  be  made,  which 
were  to  be  received  merely  as  suggestions  for 
consideration. 

"Accordingl3%  it  is  a  fact  that  my  final  opinion 
was  against  an  executive  during  good  behavior, 
on  account  of  the  increased  danger  to  the  pub- 
lic tranquillity,  incident  to  the  election  of  a 
magistrate  of  his  degree  of  permanency.  In  the 
plan  of  a  Constiution  which  I  drew  up  while  the 
Cov^nention  was  sitting,  and  which  I  communi- 
cated to  Mr.  Madison  about  the  clo.sc  of  it,  per- 
haps a  day  or  two  after,  the  office  of  President 
has  no  longer  duration  than  three  years." 

While  the  controversy  between  the  two 
Secretaries  m4  Uie  t^if  parties  was  character- 


C-' 


ill 


;,-"i 


[|: 


:f?|S'i 


tr 


si. 


..MtiBii'itafiWiiiiiiTiifirwftrytrW^ 


"If,: 


10^ 


Federal  Tactics, 


■■f'  y, 


"i  Pj 


M 

III 


iil 


ized,  by  extreme  bitterncBfi,  important 
measures  ujx)n  which  parties  were  organi?,ed  and 
which  were  advocated  by  Hamilton,  having  been 
approved  by  Washington  the  federal  party 
naturally  looked  upon  the  la  iv^  as  identified 
with  themselves  and  shrewdly,  if  not  unfairly, 
attempted  to  untilize  his  popularity  in  the  re- 
sponse which  was  made  b}'  Congress  to  one  of  the 
presidents  annual  messages.  During  the  iirettwo 
administrations,  it  was  customary  for  the 
President  to  open  the  session  of  Congress  with 
a  speech  and  for  the  House  to  call  in  a  body  upon 
the  president  and  deliver  an  address.  In  rep}3'ing 
upon  one  of  these  occap"ons,  the  Federal  party 
having  the  majority,  the  reply  was  so  worded 
that  in  the  opinion  of  repulican  members,  the}'- 
were  placed  in  the  awkward  position  of  voting 
against  the  reply  or  of  expressing  condemnation 
of  their  own  political  conduct.  Among  these 
were  Andrew  Jackson  and  Edward  Livingston 
who,  rather  than  stulily  themselves,  voted  irs  the 
negative.  The  Federalists  at  once  availed  them- 
selves of  thio  as  indicating  hostility  to  Washing- 
ton and  as  a  means  of  strengthening  themselves 
with  the  people. 

The  true  history  of  the  affair  was  some  forty 
years  subsequently  given  by  Livingston.  Hav- 
ing just  taken  his  seat  in  the  United  States  Sen- 
ate, from  Louisiana,  he  was  present  at  the  memo- 
rable debate  between  Webster  and  Haytie,  in 
1830,  in  which  the  former  made  his  masterly  vin- 
dication of  New^  England,  from  the   aspersions  of 


-SV;,-. 


,*a4^fcfe.».:,'.  :iv;i)^j. , 


"pi* 


■■■■'ff*''  .^1 


important 
anized  and 
ivitig  been 
ii-al     party 

identified 
it  unfairly, 
in  the  re- 
)  one  of  the 
lie  ilret  two 
tor  the 
igress  with 
body  upon 
In  repl)  ing 
ieral   party 

80  worded 
tibers,  they 
ri  of  voting 
ndenmation 
iiong    these 

Livingston 
voted  in  the 
mailed  them- 
to  Washing- 

themaelves 

j(  some  forty 
stou.  Hav- 
States  8en- 
:  the  memo- 
Hayne,  in 
lasterly  vin- 
isperaions  of 


Webster  and.  Livingston. 


W5 


the  latter,  but  in  the  course  of  which  he  took  oc- 
casion to  say  to  the  amazement  of  Living:ston: 
*'We  know,  or  we  might  know,  if  we  tura  to  tlie 
journals,  who  expre^ssed  resi>e<;t,  gratitude  and 
regret,  when  he  retired  from,  the  chief  magistracy 
and  who  refused  to  exprevss  respect,  gratitude  or 
regret.  I  shall  not  open  these  journals."  The 
arrow  was  doubtless  aimed  at  President  Jackson, 
but  it  hit  Livingston  as  well  and  he  was  not  dis- 
|)osed  to  submit  in  silence  to  undeser\'ed  censure. 

Promptly  replying,  he  expressed  the  opinion 
that  the  Senator  would  have  done  well  to  have 
opened  those  journals  and  ascertained  tine  truth, 
avowed  the  veneration  he  had  entertained  for 
Washington  from  his  childhood,  aiuJ  charged  that 
the  federal  dominant  party  had  so  framed  the 
customary  annual  reply  to  the  President's  mes- 
sage as  would  expose  the  minority,  including 
Jackson  and  himself,  if  they  voted  for  it,  to  the 
accusation  of  condemning  themselves  or  of  being 
hostile  to  the  president.  To  avoid  this,  he  pro- 
posed to  amend  the  reply  by  declaring  that 
"while  we  entertain  a  grateful  ccnvicticn  that 
your  wisdom,  friendship  and  patriotii^ni  have 
been  signally  conducive  to  the  buccoss  of  the 
present  form  of  goveTtiment,  we  cannot  fcrfcear 
to  express  our  deep  sentiments  of  regret  with 
which  we  contemplate  3^our  intended  retirtment 
from  office."  "Now  sir,"  gaid  Livingston^  "ccni- 
pare  this  clause,  which  we  were  all  rc^dy  to  vote 
for  and  did  vote  for  with  that  which  was  sup- 
ported   by  the  majority  and  «ay  which  <5f  them 


'4, 


<! 


Si";  ji«iti^' "»«*■••"*"' 


•■m 


IMISMMMMMnng 


ma 


United  States  am/ France, 


expressed  the  greatest  veneration  for  the  person 
and  personal  character  of  Washington."       —    , 

John  Adams,  who  had  served  as  vice  pres- 
ident during  the  whole  period  of  Washington's 
admini^vtration  and  whose  political  opinions,  and 
views  of  policy  harmonized  with  those  of  the 
federal  party,  succeeded  WavShington  by  a  ma- 
jority of  three  electoral  votes  over  his  competi- 
tor, Jefferson,  the  republican  candidate.  In  this 
contest  party  lines  were  sharply  drawn  and 
each  piirty  tnide  great  exertions  for  success. 
As  the  Constitution  then  stood,  Jefferson  became 
vice  president,  but  the  virulence  of  party  spirit 
did  not  subside.  Adams  continued  for  some 
time  the  same  cabinet  officers,  which  surrounded 
Washington  at  the  time  of  his  retirment.  The 
country  then  was  deepl^-^  affected  by  the  political 
convulsions  of  Europe.  Revolutionary  France 
aimed  to  draw  the  United  States,  as  an  ally,  into  a 
crusade  against  the  monarchical  institutions  of  the 
old  world.  The  prudence  and  wisdom  of  Wash- 
ington had  prevented  this,  but  his  successor 
found  the  French  revolutionary  leaders  indiffer- 
ent to  American  commercial  rights  treating 
American  envoys  with  great  disrespect  and 
carrying  things  with  such  high  hand  as  to  bring 
the  United  States  to  the  verge  of  a  declaration  of 
war,  while,  without  it,  nav^al  conflicts  had  occurr- 
ed upon  the  ocean  greatly  to  the  credit  of.  the 
American  naval  marine.  The  spirit  thus  dis- 
played   was  wholly  unexpected     by   the  French 


I 


iiS-. 


'Wt.j,^;- 


iie  person 

vice  pree- 
shiiigton's 
nionp,  and 
)8e   of   the 
by  a  ma- 
i  cotnpeti- 
;.     In   this 
Irawn   and 
r  success. 
3n  became 
arty  spirit 
for   some 
virrounded 
tient.     The 
le  political 
ry    France 
ally,  into  a 
tions  of  the 
n  of  Wash- 
successor 
rs  indiffer- 
8     treating 
spect    and 
IS  to  bring 
claration  of 
tiad  occurr- 
redit  of.  the 
t   thus   dis- 
the  French 


Allen  and  Sedition  Laws, 


167 


rulers,  moderated  their  haughty  bearing  and 
insufferable  demands,  and  probablj"^  averted  the 
iupending  war.  The  course  persued  by  the 
republican  party  in  congress  in  opposing  some 
of  the  war  measures  that  were  proposed,  either 
though  a  belief  tliat  they  were  unnecessary  or 
through  vS^-mpathy  with  the  democratic  spirit 
which  pervaded  Europe,  had  a  tendency  to 
strengthen  the  Administration  with  the  people, 
when  in  1798,  perhaps  in  part,  as  war  m^easures, 
combined  possil)ly  with  an  ulterior  purpose  to 
prevent  criticism  of  public  men,  the  federal  party 
unfortunately  for  its  own  ascendency,  pushed 
through  Congress  two  laws,  the  Alien  and  Sedi- 
tion, which  immediately  became  objects  of  the 
bitterest  denimciations,  were  assailed  as  iitterl3'^ 
subversive  of  tlie  Constitntioxi,  as  conferring 
despotic  powers  upon  the  president,  and  a8 
subjecting  the  private  citizen  to  the  wicked 
devices  of  spies  and  informers.  In  resist- 
ing the  passage  of  these  laws  in  the  ardor  of 
debate,  on  the  21st.  of  June  1798,  Edward  Living- 
ston, then  member  of  Congress  from  the  city  of 
New  York,  said:  "But  if  regardless  of  our  duties 
as  citizens  and  our  solemn  obligations  as  rep- 
resentatives; regardless  of  the  rights  of  our 
constituents;  regardless  of  every  sanction,  human 
and  devine,  we  are  ready  to  violate  the  Constitu- 
tion, we  have  sworn  to  defend,  will  the  people 
submit  to  our  unauthorized  acts?  Will  the  states 
sanction  our  usurped  pcv/er?  Sir,  they  cught  not 
to  submit:  they  would  deserve  the  chains  which 


f 


I 


.■■  ^.t^v^j^^-f^-^ 


mmmmmmmm^^^ 


3_ 


m 


m 


168 


Alien  and  Sedition  La  ivs. 


these  measures  are  forgeing  for  them,  if  tliey  did 
not  resist.      *   .     ;  ,  •-    ^^:-  ;*," .  ' "  ....f  ,    ■  :j  ■,*  ••'•:''-;^fc,  * 

My  opinions,  Sir,  on  this  subject  are  explicit 
and  I  wish  they  may  be  known.  They  are,  that 
whenever  the  laws  manifestly  infringe  the  Con- 
stitution under  which  they  are  made,  the  people 
ought  not  to  hesitate  which  they  should  obey; 
if  we  exceed  our  powers,  we  become  tryants  and 
our  acts  have  no  effect."  This  speech  was 
published  and  distributed  over  the  country, 
exciting  great  and  widespread  indignation. 
The  Alien  law  empowered  the  president  to  order 
dangerous  or  suspected  aliens  to  depart,  the 
country  with  severe  penalties  for  disobedience  of 
this  order,  with  power  given  to  the  president 
to  modify  the  order  so  far  as  to  allow  the  sus- 
pected person  to  remain  in  a  designated  place  at 
the  Presidents  pleasure.  The  sedition  law  made 
it  criminal  to  combine  with  intent  to  oppose  any 
measures  of  the  govM-ninent  of  the  United  States 
or  to  defame  the  Legislature  or  the  President  by 
declarations  tending  Id  (  i  jiiil'iate  the  motives  of 
either.  Among  the  (  Hl|je8|:  of  the  few  victims  of 
this  law  was  Matthew  f/yilri,  an  editor  and  pub- 
lisher of  a  paper  in  Vermont,  and  re})resentative 
in  congress  from  tha|;  State  ^fom  1797  to  1801. 
His  conviction,  imprlsoinnent  of  four  mounths, 
and  fine  of  one  thousand  dolhirs,  under  the  law 
created  the  wildest  excitement  throughout  the 
Stat3,  and  added  to  the  unpopularity  of  the  lav/ 
and  of  the  Federal  party  throughout  the  Union. 
His  democratic  friends   hailed  him  as  a  martyr  to 


'7^;-',r;^- 


.  >^rtif^()flB\«i»iwMeij«ir7l5¥aa^^^-- 


Mathew  I^on, 


260 


i  tliey  did 

♦  * 

e   explicit 
are,  that 
)  the  Con- 
he  people 
3uld  obey; 
ryants  and 
peech  was 
e   country, 
idignation. 
it  to  order 
lepart,   the 
edience  of 
president 
w  the  sus- 
ed  place  at 
1  law  made 
oppose  any 
ited  Statea 
esident  by 
motives  of 
victims  of 
r  and  piib- 
iresentative 
<97  to  1801. 
r  mounths, 
ler  the  law 
lughout  the 
of  the  lav/ 
the  Union, 
a  martyr  to 


the  cause  of  civil  liberty  in  vast  concourse  and 
with  indignant  feelings  accompanied  him 
with  a  popular  o'/ation  on  his  way  to  prison,  from 
which  he  was  released  Feburary  7th  1799,  and 
promptly  raised  the  money  with  which  to  pay 
his  fine.  In  this,  however  they  had  been  antic- 
ipated by  Lyon  himself  or  some  unknown  friends. 
While  member  of  Congress,  he  continued  to  dis- 
play upon  a  National  theater  his  undying 
hatred  to  the  law  under  which  he  had  suffered 
and  of  the  party  which  made  it.  After  the  party 
heat  and  political  questions  of  that  period  had 
disappeared,  the  heirs  of  Lyon  applied  to  con- 
gress to  have  the  fine  refunded  to  them.  In  1840 
the  subject  was  referred  in  the  House  of  Re- 
presentatives to  the  Judiciary  Committee,  com- 
posed of  some  of  the  ablest  lawyers  in  Congress, 
if  not  in  the  United  States,  which  reported 
a  bill  to  refund  the  fine,  which  passed  the  House 
by  a  vote  of  121  to  15  and  the  Senate  without  op- 
position. As  showing  the  character  and  operation 
of  the  law,  one  of  the  publictions,  for  which  Lyon 
suffered,  was  in  this  language;  "Copy  of  a  letter 
from  an  American  diplomatic  character  in  France 
(Joel  Barlow)  to  a  member  of  Congress  in 
Philadelphia." 

"The  misunderstanding  between  the  two 
governments  has  become  extremely  alarming; 
confidence  is  completely  destroyed,  mistrusts, 
jealousies,  and  a  disposition  to  a  wrong  attribu- 
tion of  motives  are  so  apparent  as  to  require  the 


'"m* 


il 


•«i:".    +■! 


170 


Sedition  Ln  ir 


iM 


utmost  caution  in  every  word  and  action  that  are 
to  come  from  the  Executive,  I  mean  if  your 
object  i»  to  avoid  hostilities.  Had  this  truth  been 
understood  before  the  recall  of  Monroe — before 
the  coming  or  second  coming  of  Pickney;  had 
it  guided  the  pens  that  wrote  the  bullying  speech 
of  your  president  and  the  stupid  answer  of  your 
Senate  at  the  opening  of  Congress  in  November 
last,  I  should  probably  have  had  no  occasion  to 
address  you  this  letter.  But  when  we  found  him 
borrowing  the  language  of  Edward  Burke,  and 
telling  the  whole  world,  that  although  he  should 
succeed  in  treating  with  the  French,  there  was  no 
dependence  to  be  placed  in  any  of  their  engage- 
ments, that  their  religion  and  morality  were  at  an 
end,  and  they  had  turned  pirates  and  jjlunderers, 
and  that  it  would  be  necessary  .to  be  perpetually 
armed  against  them,  though  they  are  at  peace,  we 
wonder  that  the  answer  of  both  Houses  had  not 
been  to  send  him  to  the  mad  house.  Instead  of 
this,  the  Senate  have  echoed  the  speech  with 
more  servility  than  ever  George  the  Third 
experienced  from  either  House  of  Parliament." 

-  This  arraignment  of  Adam's  was  probably 
drawn  out  by  this  allusion  to  France  in  his  first 
annual  message:  "The  state  of  society  has  so  long 
been  disturbed,  the  sense  of  moral  and  religious 
obligations  so  much  weakened,  public  faith  and 
national  honor  have  been  so  impaired,  respect 
to  treaties  has  been  so  diminished,  and  the  law 
of  nations  has  lost  so  much  of  its  force,    while 


^m- 


2<« 


>n   that  are 
[in    if  your 
truth  been 
•oe — before 
:kney;   had 
ing  speech 
rer  of  your 
November 
occu?ion  to 
found   hiiii 
Burke,  and 
1  he  should 
lere  was  no 
iir  engage- 
were  at  an 
phmderers, 
perpetually 
it  peace,  we 
,es  had  not 
Instead  of 
peech  with 
the    Third 
liament." 

18  probably 
in  his  first 
has  so  long 
nd  religious 
c  faith  and 
•ed,  respect 
md  the  law 
orce,    while 


Sedition  Lair, 


.i)<^i^^::-:.r 


^.-'',  =^*. 


pride,  ambition,  avarice,  and  violence,  have  been 
HO  long  unrestrained,  there  remains  no  reasonable 
ground  on  which  to  raise  an  expectation  that  a 
commerce  without  protection  or  defence  will  not 
be  plundered." 

The  law  which  made  Lyon's  publication 
criminal  and  subjected  him  to  heavy  fine  and 
imprisonment  not  to  exceed  two  years  was  well 
cah^ulated  to  stir  society  to  its  verv^  depths,  and 
having  soon  expired  by  limitation,  too  universal- 
ly odious  to  encourage  any  attempt  at  re- 
newal. 

The  committee,  that  reported  the  bill  to 
refund  the  fine,  expressed  the  opinion  that  the 
law  was  unconstitutional  and  void,  and  remarked: 
"No  question  connected  with  the  liberty  of  the 
press  ever  excited  a  more  universal,  and  intense 
interest,  ever  received  so  acute,  able,  long  con- 
tinued and  elaborate  investigaton,  was  ever  more 
generally  understood,  or  so  conclusively  settled  by 
the  concurring  opinions  of  all  parties,  after  the 
heated  Dolitical  contests  of  the  day  had  passed 
away."  While  the  excitment  caused  by  the  vSedi- 
tion  law  was  so  bitter  at  the  time  of,  and  follow- 
ing its  enactment,  the  inflamed  heads  of  its  oppo- 
nents inveiged  against  it  with  no  cool  and  mea- 
sured words  and  were  susceptible  of  interpreta- 
tions which  the  authors  themselves,  probably  did 
not  intend. 

The  speech  of  Livingston  gave  utterance  to 
the    public   indignation   as    represented    by   the 


■-i     -,v 

I-  f  ^ 


^H 


i-tf 


I 


%j6 


I 


:-:M 


M 


172 


Resolutions  of  1798-90. 


leading-  democratft  of  the  day,  and  was  succeeded 
by  the  memorable  Kentucky  and  \  irginia  res- 
olutions of  1798-4)1).  These,  ever  since  their 
adoption,  have  been  subjects  of  controversy  and 
adverse  interpretation  and  have  been  extensivel}' 
invoked  as  countenancing  nvdlification  and  soces- 
sion  and  have  been  subjected  to  severe  criticism. 
They  afterwards  received  exposition  from  some 
of  those  who  were  foremost  in  giving  them  cur- 
rency. The  opinions  of  Livington  were  devel- 
oped in  Jackson's  celebrated  porclamation  against 
South  Carolina  nullification  in  1832,  of  which,  as 
Secretary  of  State  he  drevv  up  the  original  draft. 

Madison,  in  a  letter  to  Edward  Everett,  in 
1830,  says:  In  the  event  of  a  failure  of  every 
constitutional  resort  and  an  accumulation  of 
usurpations  and  abuses  rendering  non-resistance,  a 
greater  evil  than  resistance  and  revolution,  there 
can  remain  but  one  resort, — the  last  of  all — an 
appeal  from  the  canceled  obligations  of  the  Con- 
stitutional compact  to  original  right  and  the  laws 
of  self  preservation.  This  is  the  ultima  ratio  of 
all  governments,  whether  consolidated,  confeder- 
ated  or  a  compound  of  both."  /  -  « 

Mr.  Webster,  whose  opinions  were  formed  by 
an  intellect  trained  to  the  work  of  discussing 
great  political  questions,  weighing  evidence  and 
determining  its  relevancy  and  importance  in  his, 
debate  with  Hayne  said;  "I  wish  now  Sir,  to  make 
a  remark  upon  the  Virginia  resolution  of  1798.  I 
cannot  undertake  to  say  how  these  resolutions  were 


succeeded 
rjjjinia  res- 
;ince   their 
iversy   and 
extensively 
and   Hcces- 
2  criticism, 
from  some 
;  them  cur- 
icre  devel- 
ion  against 
f  which,  as 
inal  draft.  ,,^ 

Everett,  in 
e  of  every 
nulation  of 
-esistance,  a 
Lition,  there 
t  of  all — an 
of  the  Con- 
nd  the  laws 
nia  ratio  of 
1,  confeder- 

e  formed  by 
[  discussing 
ddence  and 
:ance  in  his, 
Sir,  to  make 
1  of  1798.  I 
lutions  were 


7| 


I^r^olijfions  of  1703-90. 


173 


understood  hy  those  who  passeil  Uieiii. Their  langu- 
5jge  is  not  a  little  indefinite.  In  the  case  of  the  ex- 
ercise by  Congress  of  dangerous  power  not  grant- 
ed to  them,  the  resolutions  assert  the  right  on  the 
part  of  the  State,  to  interfere  and  arrest  the  i)ro- 
gress  of  the  evil.  TLis  is  susceptible  of  more 
than  one  interpretation.  It  may  mean  that  states 
may  interfere  by  complaint  and  remonstrance  or 
by  proposing  to  the  people  iin  alteration  of  the 
Federal  Constitution.  This  would  all  be  quite  un- 
objectionable; or  it  may  be,  that  no  more  is  meant 
than  to  assert  the  general  right  of  revolution  as 
against  all  governements,  in  cases  of  intolerable 
oppression.  This  no  one  doubts,  and  this,  in  my 
opinion,  is  all  that  he  who  framed  the  resolutions 
could  have  meant  by  it,  for  I  shall  not  readily  be- 
lieve that  he  was  ever  of  the  opinion  that  a  state 
under  the  constitution  and  in  conformity  with  it, 
could,  upon  the  ground  of  its  own  opinion  of  its 
unconstitutionality ,however  clear  and  palpable  she 
might  think  the  case,  annul  a  law  of  Congress  so 
far  as  it  should  operate  upon  herself,  by  her  own 
legislative  power." 

The  current  of  popular  opinion  finally  set 
strongly  against  Adams.  The  Alien  and  Sedition 
laws  had  excited  a  storm  of  abuse;  his  negotia- 
tions with  France  had  caused  great  dissatisfac- 
tion in  his  own  party,  and  the  sympathies  ascrib- 
ed to  him  of  favoring  English  interests  against 
republican  France,  however  groundless,  operated 
greatly  to  his  prejudice  and  all  contributed  to  Ms 


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23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  NY.  14580 

(716)  872-4503 


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CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


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Collection  de 
microfiches. 


iroreproductions  /  Institut  Canadian  da  microraproductions  hestoriquas 


....ji 


Jil.'  - 


114 


JviTcrsoji  iSilectcd  President, 


■5V;i 


I;,  Xy 


defeat  at  the  Presidential  election  of  .1800,  when 
Jefferson  was  elected  by  a  niajority  of  ei0;t  elec- 
toral votes.  At  this  election  New  England  gave 
her  vote  far  Adams,  but  ilie  republican  party 
made  such  advance  that  in  1805,  when  Pickney 
was  the  Federal  candidate,  Jefferson  received  the 
vote  of  all  New  Kngland  except  Connecticnt. 

Thc  administration  of  Jeffersoii  during  his 
first  term  conduced  largely  to  his  popularit}-. 
The  general  tone  of  his  annual  messages  had  been 
moderate  and  conciliator)-.  In  alluding  in  his 
tirsjt  message  in  December,  1801,  to  the  tranquilli- 
ty of  European  States,  he  said: 

"While  we  devontlj'  return  thanks  to  the  ben- 
eficent Being  who  has  been  pleased  to  breathe 
into  them  the  spirit  of  conciliation  and  forgive- 
ness, we  are  bound  with  peculiar  gratitude  to  be 
thankful  to  Him  that  our  own  peace  has  been  pre- 
served, through  a  perilous  season,  and  ourselves 
permitted  to  cultivate  the  earth  and  to  i)ractice 
and  improve  those  arts  which  tend  to  increase 
our  comforts." 

The  quiet  which  pervaded  the  United  States 
was  soon  interrupted  by  the  extreme  agitation, 
which  was  aroused  in  the  western  states  in  1802, 
by  the  refjisal  of  Spain  to  allow  New  Orleans  to 
be  longer  used  as  a  place  of  deposit  for  western 
commerce.  This  was  still  further  increased 
when  it  was  learned  that  Spain  had  ceded  Louisi- 
aiui  to  France.  The  countr}'^  bordering  upon  the 
Missippi  river  and  its  tributaries,  was  siezed  with 


HOO,  when 
eight  clec- 
;laiid  gave 
can  party 
1  I'ickney 
ce'ved  the 
:ticvit, 

luring  hirt 
popularity. 
s  had  been 
ing  in  his 
tranquilli- 

to  the  ben- 
to  breathe 
id  forgive- 
tude  to  be 
is  been  pre- 
d  ourselves 
to  practice 
to   increase 

nited  States 
g  agitation, 
tes  in   1802, 

Orleans  to 
"or  western 
•  increased 
;ded  Louisi- 
\g  upon  the 

siezed  with 


■,!.1SWii*»?:v'.  ;',4  *;.«.,« 


:rr:».<^5:-*K^'B"W^W--(»-«^'(fl»«imi**VL*i?*pJ 


P*»»!W*^/: 


Louisiann  Purchase. 


175 


a  fever  of  excitement  and  Congress  was  inundat- 
ed with  petitions  upon  the  subject.  Jeffenson  im- 
mediately took  steps  to  secure  by  treaty  v'ib 
France,  the  coveted  territory  for  deposit,  but  thi 
American  envoys,  owing  to  the  critical  relations 
and  impending  war  between  France  and  England, 
the  want  of  money  and  political  considerations 
found  Napoleau,  the  first  consul,  anxious  to  sell 
the  territory  to  the  United  States.  This  projjosi- 
tion,  so  unexpected  and  beyond  their  anticipa- 
tions and  promising  such  grand  results  to  their 
countr}^  filled  them  with  surprise  and  gratifica- 
tion and  they  at  once  concluded  a  treaty  transfer- 
ring Louisiana  to  the  United  States  subject  to  the 
approval  of  the  American  Senate,  which  was 
given  on  the  20th  of  October,  1803,  by  a  vote  of  24 
to  7.  The  House  by  a  vote  of  90  to  25  decided  to 
carry  the  treaty  into  effect  and  made  the  necessa- 
ry appropriation  for  that  purpose.  The  opposi- 
tion to  the  treaty  came  from  federalists.  It  was 
contended  that  the  domain  of  the  United  States 
was  already  sufficiently  extensive  for  one  repub- 
lican government,  that  the  acquisition  of  more 
territory  was  unconstitutional  and  would  prove  a 
Jjad  precedent  in  the  future,  and  although  the 
strongest  opposition  came  from  New  England, 
yet  four  out  of  her  six  states  voted  for  Jefferson's 
re-election. 

Scarcely  was  the  treaty  concluded  before 
France  and  England  were  engaged  in  war  which 
they  prosecuted  regardless  of  American  mari- 
time and  commercial  rights.    JefTerBon,  unwilling 


h 


'4i 


t  ^ 


w 


'^MM^-* 


'iCTf^'frtgiyiiii'fr'r'^^'y'"' 


176 


Jefferson's  Gun  Boat, 


to  be  involved  in  war,  or  to  become  embroiled  la 
Europaan  entanglements,  reaarted  to  negotiations 
abroad,  but  with  the  concurrence  of  Congress 
adopted  measures  of  protection  at  home  which 
were  perhaps  of  doubtful  utility.  In  reply  to  a 
request  of  the  House  of  Representatives  for  in- 
formation as  to  the  effect  of  gun  boats  in  the 
protection  and  defense  of  harbors,  he  returned  a 
special  message  February  l(3th,  1807,  in  which  he 
discusses  the  objects  aimed  at  and  the  number 
desired,  refers  to  the  opinions  of  land  and  naval 
officers  who  had  been  consulted  and  closes  by 
saying  ''it  must  be  superfluous  to  observe  that 
this  species  of  naval  armament  is  proposed 
merel}'  for  naval  operations,  that  it  can  have 
little  effect  toward  protecting  our  commerce  in 
the  open  seas,  even  on  our  coast;  and  still  less 
can  it  become  an  incitment  to  engage  in  offensive 
maritime  war  toward  which  it  would  furnish  no 
means."  v^ 

His  gun  boat  system  however  was  seized 
upon  by  his  political  opponents  with  avidity  as 
an  object  of  ridicule  and  a  fruitful  source  of  ex- 
travagence.  ■ 

His  envo)^s  to  Great  Britain  to  procure  a 
treat}'  for  the  security  of  American  rights  effected 
one  which  failing  to  prevent  the  impressment  of 
American  seamen  and  falling  short  of  the 
president's  wishes  he  with  held  it  from  the  sen- 
ate and  instructed  the  envoys  to  renew  their 
efforts     for      more     satisfactory     arrangements. 


■•:.,:„4f"- 


'•^■■ivafifet*4.4^#iiv 


,1%^'~ijU«HMiK''^. 


tbroiled  ia 
;gotiations 

Congress 
tne  which 
reply  to  a 
es  for  in- 
itB  in  the 
returned  a 
1  which  he 
le  number 

and  naval 

closes  by 
)»erve  that 

projiosed 
t  can  have 
mmerce  in 
d  still  less 
n  offensive 

furniah  no 

was  seized 
I  avidity  as 
:)urce  of  ex- 

procure  a 
hts  effected 
ressment  of 
3rt  of  the 
)m  the  sen- 
•enew  their 
-angements. 


"■v'^.^-; '■;-'■;''        Embargo.       ^  ,■;,:;;■  ■^";'> 

Not  suceeding  in  this,  the  president  was  severely 
censured  by  his  opponents  for  with-holding  it 
from  the  Senate  as  it  contained,  they  said,  pro- 
visions favorable  to  commerce.  The  republican 
party  however  sustained  his  action  as  being  fully 
within  hits  constitutional  powers. 

American  commerce  and  seamen  were  sub- 
jected to  such  outrage  in  every  quarter  of  the  globe 
as  to  induce  congress  to  pass  a  law  in  Dec.  1807, 
known  as  the  Embargo  Act,  which  prohibited 
American  vessels  from  sailing  for  foreign  ports, 
all  foreign  vessels  from  taking  out  cargoes,  and 
all  coasting  vessels  were  required  to  land  their 
cargoes  within  the  United  States.  This  law 
passed  the  House  by  a  vote  of  82  to  44  and  the 
Senate  22  to  6. 

Jefferson  said  "the  effect  of  the  law  had  been 
to  save  our  mariners  and  our  vast  mercantile 
property,  as  well  as  affording  time  for  prosecut- 
ing the  defensive  and  provisional  measures  called 
for  by  the  occasion." 

The  embargo  was  denounced  by  the  Federal 
party  and,  perhaps,  no  where  more  violently  than 
in  New  England.  Jefferson  was  accused  of  pro- 
curing it  in  the  interest  of  France  as  it  would 
disastrously  affect,  the  manufacturing  industries 
of  Great  Britain  that,  unlimited  in  duration  in- 
stead of  regulating  ooiumerce,  as  authorized  by 
the  Constitution  it  destroyed  it,  and  that  if  intended 
as  a  measure  of  safety,  tiiose  who  were  willing  to 
assume  the  risks  were  the  best    judges  of    the 


',«f6 


J7S 


Embargo. 


i 


fl 

f 


fei' 
IP 


dangers  which  they  incurred.  Ships,  It  was 
eaid,  remained  idle  and  went  to  decay  in  their 
harbors,  products  of  the  soil  or  of  mechanical 
industry  accumulated  and  depreciated  in  value  for 
the  want  of  a  market,  evasion  of  law  and  a 
clandestine  commerce  weakened  the  tone  of 
public  morals,  dulled  the  moi-al  susceptibilities 
of  courts  and  jurors;  and  politicians,  with  all  the 
ingenuity  and  eloquence  at  their  command,  drew 
fanciful  pictures  of  the  public  distress  and 
drowned  the  voice  of  reason  and  the  promptings 
of  patriotism  by  appeals  to  excited  passions  and 
jjarty  interest.  Although  the  extent  of  the 
disaffection  in  New  England  may  have  been 
exaggerated,  and  especially  in  Massachusetts 
where  it  doubtlef?s  attained  the  greatest  propor- 
tions, it  was  sufficiently  great  to  excite  apprehen- 
sion in  the  bosoms  of  Jefferson  and  his  political 
friends  and  they  were  induced  to  modify  it  by  a 
non-intercourse  law  which  removed  the  Embargo 
from  Ihe  whole  world  but  the  two  belligerents, 
and  from  them  upon  certaiii  conditions.  The 
elder  Adams  approved  of  the  Embargo  and  his  son 
favoring  that  measure,  as  well  as  some  other  acts 
of  the  Administration,  so  offended  his  old  friends 
who  had  placed  him  in  the  United  States  Senate 
that  he  resigned  that  position  in  1808  and  in  1809 
was  appointed  by  the  president  minister  to  St. 
Petersburg.  In  November  of  the  latter  year  he 
confidentially  informed  Mi*.  Giles,  one  of  the 
prominent  supporters  of  the  administration,  of 
the     embittered      feeling     which    the   Embargo 


4. 


■♦!« 

'^1 


lEttihargo. 


119 


9,  it    was 
f  in   their 
icchanical 
1  value  for 
aw   and   a 
tone    of 
jptibilities 
ith  all  the 
land,  drew 
itrees    and 
romptings 
issions  and 
it    of    the 
have   been 
isachu  setts 
!8t  propor- 

apprehen- 
lis  political 
iify  it  by  a 
e  Embargo 
elligerents, 
tiona.  The 
I  and  his  son 
e  other  acts 

old  friends 
bates  Senate 

and  in  1809 
lister  to  St. 
tter  year  he 
one  of  the 
istration,  of 
e   Embargo 


had  enkindled  in  Massachusaetta,  that  the  peo- 
ple were  constantly  instigated  to  forcibly  resist 
it,  that  juries  after  juries  would  acquit,  regard- 
less of  the  decision  of  courts,  up3n  the  ground 
of  its  uriconatitutionality;  that  a  separation  of  the 
Union  was  openly  stimulated  in  the  public 
prints,  that  a  convention  of  delegates  of  the  New 
Biigland  States  was  proposed  to  be  held  at  New 
Haven;  that  the  objects  of  the  leaders  of  the 
Federal  party  had  been  for  several  years  a  dis- 
olution  of  the  Union  and  the  establishment  of  a 
separate  confederacy;  and  that,  if  civil  war 
ensued,  they  would  secure  the  aid  of  Great  Bri^ 
tain.  These  facts,  he  claimed,  he  knew  from 
unequivocal  evidence,  although  not  proveable  in 
a  court  ^  1  law.  In  imparting  his  information  he 
took  occasion  to  assure  Mr.  Giles  that  he  had 
no  personal  or  interested  motive  for  his  sup- 
port of  Mr.  Jefferson's  administration  and  had  no 
favor  to  ask  of  him  whatever!  The  information 
thus  communicated  as  to  Eastern  disaffection 
reached  Mr.  Jefferson  and  probably  had  great 
influence  in  procuring  a  modification  of  the  Em- 
bargo, as  it  also  undoubtedly  had  the  effect  of 
strengthening,  if  not  to  a  considerable  extent  creat- 
ing, the  impression  which  sei-zed  upon  the  public 
mind  outside  of  New  England,  that  she  was  the 
hot  bed  of  traitors  and  over-run  with  treason. 
From  disclosures  in  1828,  it  would  seem  that 
federalism  and  the  loyality  of  New  England  was 
receiving  its  severest  blows,  without  suspecting 
their  source  from  one    who    had    enjoyed    their 


i 

I' 


4. 


-i 


mm 


"f" — fr"" — rijimii      I 


.:i^fi- 


i*(7 


Gov.  Chittenden  and  the  War. 


If 


confidence  and  whose  father  had  been  honored  by 
their  unanimous  support. 

In  1808,  James  Madison,  the  trusted  friend  of 
Jefferson,  was  elected  president,  receiving  one 
hundred  and  twenty  two  electoral  votes,  including 
the  six  of  Vermont  while  his  federal  competitor 
received  only  forty-seven  of  which  Massachusetts, 
Connecticut,  Rhode  Island  and  New  Hampshire 
gave  thirty-nine.  It  was  a  period  of  gloom  and 
despondency  in  those  States,  and  a  committee  of 
the  legislature  of  Massachusetts,  in  January  1809, 
thus  depicted  it.  °         ;     c     ^^^-^    -rr 

"Our  agriculture  is  discouraged.  The  fish- 
eries abandoned.  Navigation  forbidden.  Our 
commerce  at  home  restrained,  if  not  annihilated. 
Our  commerce  abroad  cut  off.  Our  navy  sold, 
dismantled,  or  degraded  to  the  service  of  cutters 
or  gunboats.  The  revenue  extinguished.  The 
course  of  justice  interrupted,  and  the  nation 
weakened  by  internal  animosities  and  divisions, 
at  the  momoat  when  it  is  unnecessarily  and  in- 
providently  exposed  to  war  with  Great  Britain, 
France  and  Spain."         -   ';  •  ,  :';     ;=^^  r  ;^^s    ; 

At  a  time  of  commercial  distress  so  alarming 
according  to  the  testimony  of  his  political  adver- 
saries, and  of  party  animosity  at  its  highest 
pitch,  Madison  entered  upon  his  presidential 
duties  embarrassed  abroad  by  the  arrogant  con- 
duct of  England  and  France,  and  at  home,  by  the 
vituperations  and  attacks  of  political  opponents 
and   sometimes    by  the  disapproval  of    friends. 


■'%(■ 


nored  by 

.,     -.  -  ■■  ■.■-.»■?- .       f. 

friend  of "* ' ,' 
ving  one'  ! 
including 
)inpetitor 
achusetts, 
ampshire 
loom  and 
imittee  of 
lary  1809, 

The  fish- 
den.  Our 
inihilated. 
lavy  sold, 
of  cutters 
hed.  The 
the  nation 
divisions* 
ily  and  in- 
at  Britain, 

3  alarming 
ical  adver- 
ts highest 
)residential 
rogant  con- 
me,  by  the 
opponents 
of    friends. 


Cor,  Strong  and  the  War* 


181 


Decidedly  a  man  of  peace,  he  fully  realized  the 
responsibility  that  rested  upon  him  in  the  event 
of  war,  and  the  procrastination  caused  by  the 
negotiations  to  avert  it,  irritated  some  of  his  own 
party  while  his  opponents  tauntingly  proclaimed 
that  "he  could  not  be  kicked  into  a  war."  His 
revilers,  however,  were  destined  to  be  undeceived 
and  with  peaceful  measures  and  patience  ex- 
hausted, war  was  finally  declared  against  Great 
Britain  June  18th,  1812.  Anterior  to  this  as  well 
as  during  the  war.  New  England  continued  to 
be  convulsed  with  party  strife,  first  one  party 
then  the  other  securing  the  ascendency. 

Elbridge  Gerry,  a  revolutionary  patriot,  and 
afterward  vice  president  of  the  United  States, 
was  elected  governor  of  Massachusetts  by  the  re- 
publicans in  1810,  and  in  1811,  with  both  branches 
of  the  legislature  on  the  same  side.  The  next 
year  he  was  suceeded  by  Caleb  Strong,  federalist, 
with  the  house  of  representatives  of  the  same 
party. 

In  his  message,  while  adverting  to  the  con- 
dition of  the  country,  he  said;  if  those  measures 
are  thought  to  be  unjust  or  particularly  injurious 
to  this  part  of  the  Union  let  us  cherish  a  confi- 
dence in  the  wisdom  and  justice  of  the  other 
states  and  wait  with  patience  for  the  remedy  pro- 
vided by  the  constitution." 

The  federalists  obtained  control  of  Vermont 
electing  Martin  Chittenden  governor  in  1813  and 
1814. 


•i 


, t. 

;1 


•  \ 


:^ 


-m 


IT*- J! 
«?5 


18'J 


American  Victories. 


v^>.- 


A  controversy  arose  between  those  govern- 
ors and  the  presidcint  as  to  the  constitutional 
rights  of  the  latter  to  order  detachments  of  the 
state  militia  to  be  marched  into  other  states  and 
placed  under  United  States  officers,  insisting  that 
the  executives  of  the  several  states  had  the 
power  to  determine  if  the  exigency  under  the 
constitution  of  the  United  States  had  arisen  so  as 
to  require  the  state  militia  or  any  part  of  it  to  be 
placed  in  the  service  of  the  United  States  at  the 
request  of  the  president.  The  judges  of  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  state  sustained  this  view 
of  the  subject,  but  in  1827,  after  the  subsidence  of 
party  spirit,  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States  unanimousl)'  rejected  it. 

The  governor"^  of  Massachusetts  and  Connec- 
ticut, acting  under  their  own  convictions,  refused 
to  obey  the  president's  requisition  for  the  militia 
to  defend  the  maritime  frontier. 

When  Congress  convened  the  correspondence 
of  the  refusing  govenors  was  laid,  by  the  president, 
before  that  body  and  in  his  message  he  condemed 
their  action  as  founded  on  a  novel  and  unfortu- 
nate exposition  of  the  constitution  and  against 
the  example  of  Washington  in  1794,  when  he 
placed  the  militia  of  several  states  called  out  to 
suppress  insurrection,  under  a  governor  of 
Virginia  during  his  own  absence.  . 

Chittenden,  the  governor  of  Vermont,  was 
also  inflexibly  opposed  to  the  militia  going  out  of 
the  state,  except  in  a  contingency  provided  for  by 


yt:^ 


":fT- 


e  goverri- 
stitiitional 
ntft  of  the 
states  and 
isting  that 
9  had  the 
under  the 
ivsen  8()   as 

of  it  to  be 
tea  at  the 
es    of  the 

this  view 
)aidence  of 
he  United 


,    iS:    \^-'    f''-'i''if.'^:l 


d  Connec- 
ns,  refused 
he   militia 

spondence 
:  president, 
condemed 
d  nnfortu- 
nd  against 
,  when  he 
ailed  out  to 
)vernor    of 

mont,  was 
3ing  out  of 
ided  for  by 


Madison, 


183 


the  constitution  and  a  body  of  them  having  vol- 
untarily placed  themselves  under  the  command  of 
a  United  States  officer,  at  Plattsburg,  New  York, 
he  issued  a  proclamation  ordering  them  to  return 
and  expressing  his  extreme  regret  at  their  move- 
ment for  "the  defence  of  a  sister  state,  fully  com- 
petent to  all  the  purposes  of  self  defence,  leaving 
the  Vermont  frontier  in  a  measure  unprotected 
and  exposed  to  the  ravages  of  an  exasperated  en- 
emy." 

This  proclamation  filled  the  militia  with  in- 
dignation, his  messenger,  who  conveyed  it,  was 
summarily  expelled  from  camp,  and  the  officers 
made  a  reply  asserting  that  they  were  in  the 
actual  service  of  their  country;  that  if  legally 
ordered  into  that  service  he  had  no  authority  to 
order  them  out,  and  that  if  illegally  ordered  into 
it,  their  continuance  was  either  voluntary  or  com- 
pulsory, and  if  the  latter  they  had  their  redress 
by  an  appeal  to  the  laws  of  their  country;  that  in 
either  case  he  had  no  right  to  interfere,  and  that 
an  invitation  or  order  to  desert  the  standard  of 
their  country  would  not  be  obeyed  by  them,  al- 
though proceeding  from  the  governor  and  cap- 
tain general  of  Verriont.  Indignation  was  not 
confined  to  the  camp,  and  Mr.  Sharp,  of  Ken- 
tucky, at  the  following  session  of  Congress,  intro- 
duced resolutions  looking  to  a  criminal  prosecu- 
tion of  the  governor  of  Vermont  for  enticing 
soldiers,  by  his  proclamation,  to  desert  the  ser- 
vice of  the  U   .  ..ed  States.    The  delegation  of  the 


■.V  J 


■i'! 


'M 


\jS-f 


mmmjm:ri^nyff^fW'f''':r^'"]i^m^s^: 


184 


Madison. 


latter  state  was  republican  and  objected  to  the 
resolutions;  Mr.  Fisk,  one  of  the  number,  statinj^ 
that  he  bclived  few  people  in  his  state  approved 
of  the  proclamation  and  that  he  was  certain  the 
delegation  from  the  state  cowlemned  it.  The 
resolutions  were  laid  on  the  t^.ole  and  not  called 
up.     '  :-.-■  •■■:■-  '■■■rx-::i:z'  . 

However  great  the  obloquy  incurred  by  the 
governor  from  his  historic  proclamation,  he  soon 
had  an  opportunity  to  evince  his  loyalty  to  his 
O'vn  state  and  his  alacrity  to  repel  a  large  British 
force  invading  New  York,  Receiving  information 
in  April  from  the  United  States  officers  at  Platts- 
burg,  of  a  probable  immediate  attack  upon  the 
vessels  of  Macdonought's  fleet  then  at  the  mouth 
of  Otter  Creek,  in  Vermont,  and  others  then  on 
the  stocks,  he  promptly  ordered  out  fifteen 
hundred  of  the  militia  for  ^heir  protection,  and  to 
remain  as  long  as  necessary  for  that  purpose. 
Y/hen  an  attack  was  made  on  the  first  of  the  fol- 
lowing month  the  militia  in  the  vicinity  partici- 
pated ill  the  gallant  repulse  of  the  enemy.  The 
fleet,  in  September,  achieved  a  splendid  and 
memorable  victory  on  Lake  Champlain,  accom- 
panied by  the  disastrous  defeat  at  Plattsburg,  of 
the  British  army  under  General  Provost. 

(,£  This  signal  land  victory  was  achieved  with 
the  aid  of  twenty -five  hundred  Vermont  volun- 
ters  under  General  Strong,  called  to  the  service 
by  the  govornor,  in  the  absence  of  a  requisition 
from  the  president,  upon  the  application  of  Gen- 


>l|!tl  ' 


m 


4 


^># 


fM 


t 


(j'ected  to  the 
imber,  stating 
bate  approved 
as  certain  the 
med  it.  The 
and  not  called 


¥■  W 


■"A. 


curreu  by  the 
nation,  he  Booa 

loyalty  to  his 
i  large  British 
ng  information 
icers  at  Platt8- 
tack  upon  the 
n  at  the  mouth 
others  then  on 
d  out  fifteen 
otection.  and  to 

that  purpose, 
irst  of  the  fol- 
icinity  partici- 
s  enemy.    The 

splendid  and 
mplain,  accom- 
t  Plattsburg,  of 
•ovost. 

achieved  with 

(^ermont  volun- 

to  the   service 

>f  a  requisition 

lication  of  Gen- 


Anierican  Victories. 


185 


eral  Macomb  for  assistance.  These  victories  were 
followed  by  great  rejoicing  throughout  the  state. 

The  governor,  in  his  message  to  the  legisla- 
ture in  October,  congratulated  them  upon  the 
grand  results  "so  glorious  to  the  American  arms, 
and  reflecting  the  highest  honor  upon  t'^e  patriot- 
ism, spirit  and  valor  of  our  fellow  citizens,  who 
without  distinction  of  age.character  or  party,  were 
ready  to  brave  danger  in  its  most  formidable  ap- 
pearance for  the  defence  of  their  country." 

He  also  bestowed  the  highest  encomiums 
upon  Strong,  Macdonough  and  Macomb. 
Amid  the  general  exultation  over  the  victories  he 
could  not  abstain  from  saying:  "But  J  consider 
it  due  to  myself,  ard  more  especially  to  my  con- 
stituents, explicitly  to  3tate  that  the  events  of  the 
war  have  in  no  wise  altered  my  opinior  of  its 
origin  or  its  progress.  I  have  conscientiously 
'<uAd  uniformily  disapproved  of  it  as  unnecessary, 
unwise  ar  d  hopeless  in  all  its  offensive  opera- 
tions." 

A  committee  representing  the  state  of  New 
York  presented  a  sword  to  General  Strong  having 
on  the  scabbard  this  inscription: — "Presented  by 
his  Excellency,  Daniel  D.  Tompkins,  Governor  of 
the  State  of  New  York,  pursuant  to  a  resolution 
of  the  Senate  and  Assembly  of  said  State,  to  Ma- 
jor General  Samuel  Strong,  of  the  Vermont  volun- 
teers, as  a  memorial  of  the  sense  entertained  by 
the  State  of  his  services,  and  those  of  his  brave 
mountaineers  at  the  battle  at  Plattsburg." 


t!^  SI 

-  -^5 


■■?) 


je^i 


'J, 


■Mi1fi|iiniilii(-T 


^f?c<tgwiri^:;.JkJ^<^i'jfflci^.'- 


,.    .,    .■^;-- 


186 


Gov.  Chittenden  and  the  War. 


if  Hon.  E.  P.  Walton,*  the  editor  of  that  valua- 
ble work,  the  Records  of  the  Governors  and 
Council  of  Vermont,  with  pradonable  state  pride 
thus  avers  to  the  ardor  and  patriotism  of  the  peo- 
ple of  the  state  as  follows;  ,jj  ;  .  ,  jjijf  ^j|  e 
■svMj^'Scrupulous  as  to  his  right  to  order  the  mili- 
tia out  of  the  State,  to  be  commanded  by  a  United 
States  officer,  Gov.  Chittenden  had  called  for 
volunteers.  This  call  was  at  once  responded  to, 
not  only  in  the  western  counties,  nearest  the 
scene  of  battle,  whose  men  arrived  in  time  to 
take  part,  but  also  in  central  and  eastern  Vermont. 
Irrespective  of  party  spirit  or  age,  the  people 
turned  out  en  masse,  fathers  and  sons,  veterans 
of  the  revolution,  and  lads  too  young  for  military 
service,  and  all  pressed  on  toward  the  Lake. 
Had  Provost  carrier!  Plattsburg  and  undertaken 
to  winter  at  Ticonderoga,  the  Vermonters  alone 
would  have  penned  in  his  army  and  forced  it  by 
starvation  to  surrender."                   f  ^A^vgjsi- 

The  message  of  1814  was  the  lavSt  which  the 
sturdy,  independent  and  conscientious  govenor 
Martin  Chittenden  had  an  opportunity  to  make. 
Vermont  at  the  next  election  wheeled  back  into 
the  rebublican  line  and  the  federal  party  in  the 
state,  in  a  few  years,  dissappeared  as  a  party 
organization. 

As  much  as  the  people  of  New  England  had 
been  divided   and  convulsed  upon  peace  and  war 

♦Formerly  member  of  Congress. 


m 


r. 

hat  valua- 
rnors  and 
itate  pride 
)f  the  peo- 

•  the  rnili- 
y  a  United 
called  for 
ponded  to, 
earest  the 
n  time  to 
a  Vermont, 
the  people 
i,  veterans 
jr  military 
the  Lake, 
undertaken 
iters  alone 
orced  it  by 

which  the 
IS  govenor 
y  to  make. 
1  back  into 
arty  in  the 
as   a   party 

;ngland  had 
ace  and  war 


>i  ■«v.^'^r"**w^;!f*.rii 


Hartford  Convention. 


187 


measures,  and  other  political  questions,  fresh 
fuel  was  added  to  an  exicited  party  spirit  by  the 
initiation,  in  1814,  of  the  memorable  Hartford 
convention. 

In  his  message,  in  October,  of  that  year,  gov- 
enor Strong,  of  Massachusetts,  called  the  atten- 
tion of  the  state  legislature  to  the  exposed  con- 
dition of  the  state  to  hostile  attacks  and  to  the 
deppressed  condition  of  commerce.  The  com- 
m^ittee  to  whom  the  subject  was  referred,  through 
the  Hon.  H.  G.  Otis,  submitted  a  report  with 
several  resolutions,  one  in  favor  of  the  volunteer 
enlistment  of  ten  thousand  men  for  twelve 
months  or  during  the  war,  to  be  organized  with 
officers  appointed  by  the  govenor  for  the  defence 
of  the  state;  one  for  appointing  delegates  to  a 
convention  with  an  invitation  to  the  other  New 
England  states  to  participate  and  consult  upon 
the  public  grievances  and  the  best  means  of 
defence,  and  also  upon  measures  to  procure  a 
convention  of  delegates  from  all  the  states  in 
order  to  revise  the  constitution  thereof  and  more 
effectually  to  secure  the  support  and  attachment 
of  all  the  people  by  placing  all  upon  the  basis  of 
fair  representation.  , 

The  resolutions  were  adopted,  but  thirteen 
Senators  and  seventy-six  members  of  the  House 
filed  protests  against  the  action  of  the  majority. 
Invitations  were  accepted  by  Rhode  Island  and 
Connecticut  but  not  by  New  Hampshire  and  Ver- 
mont.    In  the  former  state  ther^  was  no  ppportu- 


n 


11 

■A 


s 


J*- 


I 
k 


3 


i^ 


If 


188 


Hartford  Convention. 


i 


m  - 


nity  for  the  legislature  to  act  upon  it,  the  council 
being  republican,  refusing  to  convene  for  that 
object.  It  was  considered,  however,  by  the 
legislature  of  Vermont,  which  was  strongly  feder- 
al. A  Council  of  twelve  members  constituted  one 
branch  of  the  legislature  but  some  year&afterward 
was  superceded  by  a  state  senate. 

When  the  invitation  of  Massachusetts  was 
eubtnitted  by  Governor  Chittenden,  it  was  referred 
to  a  joint  committee  of  three  on  the  part  of  the 
Council,  and  six  on  the  part  of  the  House,  those  of 
the  Council  being  Wm.  Hall,  Jr.,  Nicholas  Bajiies 
and  John  W.  Chandler;  those  of  the  House 
Nathaniel  Niles.  Chaunccy  Langdon,  Henry  Olin, 
Asa  Lyon,  John  Philips  and  David  Edmond;  of 
these,  six  were  federalists  and  three  republi- 
cans. ,,,....      ,      ,        ..    ,^    .:■.-,,,.,,,    .         ,    .,       -■„.-,-     ,j,.       .,.- 

The  tdmmittee  unanimously  reported  against 
appearing  or  participating  in  the  convention  and 
both  branches  with  unanimity  concurred  in  the 
report. 

The  convention  convened  at  Hartford, 
Connecticut,  closing  their  proceedings  early  in 
January,  1815,  having  carried  them  on  under  a 
cloak  of  impenetrable  secrecy,  recommending 
that  Congress  should  be  asked  to  permit  the 
states  separately  or  in  concert  to  assume  the 
defence  of  their  territory  against  the  enemy  and 
the  application  of  a  reasonable  portion  of  the 
taxes  collected  within  them  to  that  purpose; 
that  several  amendments  should  be  made   to  the 


■i% 


e  council 
I  for  that 
•,  by  the 
g\y  feder- 
ituted  one 
afterward 

setts  was 
js  referred 
art  of  the 
e,  those  of 
as  Baj^lies 
le  House 
jnry  Olin, 
imond;  of 
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:ed  against 
jrition  and 
ed   in  the 

Hartford, 
s  early  in 
n  under  a 
mmetiding 
permit  the 
ssume  the 
nemy  and 
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ade   to  the 


Hartford  Convention. 


189 


.i0.'^"' 


National  Constitution  to  apportion  representation 
and  direct  taxes  according  to  the  number  of  free 
persons;  and  providing  that  no  new  state  should 
be  admitted,  no  Embargo  laid  for  more  than  sixty 
days,  that  no  interdiction  or  commerce  between 
the  United  States  and  foreign  governments 
should  be  permitted,  that  no  declaration  of  war 
should  be  made,  nor  authorization  of  acts  of 
hostility  against  any  foreign  nations  except  such 
acts  should  be  in  defence  of  the  territories  of  the 
United  States,  without  the  concurrence  of  two- 
thirds  of  both  branches  of  Congress,  also  that  no 
person  thereafter  naturalized  should  be  eligible  to 
any  civil  office  under  the  authority  of  the  United 
vStates,  and  that  no  person  should  be  elected  pres- 
ident for  the  second  term. 

If  an  application  to  Congress  proved  unsuc- 
cessful, peace  not  concluded  and  the  defence  of 
the  New  England  states  neglected  as  had  been 
done,  the3^  assert,  from  the  commencement  of 
the  war,  they  express  the  opinion  that  it  would  be 
expedient  for  the  states  to  send  delegates  to  a  con- 
vention to  be  held  in  Boston  in  the  following  June 
to  consult,  and  act  as  the  crisis  should  require. 
The  legislature  of  Massachusetts  approved  the 
report  and  appointed  delegates  to  proceed  to 
Washington,   Connecticut  taking    similar  action. 

The  secrecy  which  enshrouded  the  conven- 
tion, and  which  was  not  removed  from  its  Journal 
for  several  years,  gave  loose  rein  to  rumor  with 
her  hundred  tongues  and   to   the   imputations  of 


5 

'J 


1 


feSf 


Wo 


Hartford  Convention. 


exasperated  political  foes.  Aroused  at  last  by 
the  continual  representation  of  treasonable  de- 
signs, Otis  and  other  leading  federalists  of  Massa- 
chusetts declared  that  "the  main  object  of  the 
convention  was  the  defence  of  this  part  of  the 
country  against  the  common  enemy."  That  pro- 
ceedings and  report  of  the  convention  was  in 
conformity  with  this  object,  that  the  convention 
adjourned  early  in  January,  1815,  and  that  on  the 
twenty-seventh  of  the  same  month  Congress 
passed  an  act  which  gave  the  state  the  power 
sought  by  Massachusetts,  viz.  that  of  "raising, 
organizing  and  officering  state  troops  to  be 
employed  in  the  state  raising  the  same  or  in  an 
adjoining  state,  and  providing  for  their  pay  and 
subsistence."  That,  they  say,  "was  the  most  im- 
portant object  aimed  at  by  the  institution  of  the 
convention,  and  by  the  report  of  that  body.  Had 
this  act  of  Congress  passed  before  the  act  of 
Massachusetts  for  organizing  the  convention,  that 
convention  would  never  have  existed,  and  that 
they  had  never  known  nor  suspected  the  party 
which  prevailed  in  Massachusetts  in  1808,  or  any 
other  party  in  this  state  ever  entertained  the  design 
to  produce  a  dissolution  of  t.ie  Union  or  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  separate  confederation." 
*  The  federal  mission  to  Washington,  was,  how- 
ever, suddenly  arrested  as  the  tidings  of  Jackson's 
great  victory  at  New  Orleans  and  of  the  treaty  of 
peace  swept  over  the  land,  welcomed  every 
where  by  bonfires,  illuminations,  booming  of  can- 
non and  general  exultation,  drowning  the  voice 

RD-94 


Bra  of  Good  Reeling, 


191 


at  last  by 
Dnable  de- 
B  of  Massa- 
ect  of  the 
.art  of  the 

That  pro- 
ion  was   in 
convention 
that  on  the 
Congress 

the  power 
of  "raising, 
ops  to  be 
me  or  in  an 
leir  pay  and 
le  most  im- 
ition  of  the 
)ody.      Had 

the  act  of 
rention,  that 
d,  and  that 
i  the  party 
L808,  or  any 
;d  the  design 
or  the  estab- 

3n,  was,  how- 
5  of  Jackson's 
he  treaty  of 
3med  every 
ming  of  can- 
ng  the  voice 


of  party  strife  and  carrying  to  the  federal  party 
the  deep  conviction  of  its  complete  and  final  over- 
throw. 

''  In  Massachusetts,  at  the  following  election, 
the  republicans  carried  the  state,  and  the  senate 
at  once  rescinded  the  unpatriotic  resolution  of  a 
former  federal  senate,  in  the  matter  of  the  capture 
of  a  British  frigate,  which  denounced  the  war  as 
unjust  and  unecessary.  i'  iiiifOfOti 

The  accession  of  the  Republican  Monroe  to 
the  presidency,  in  1816,  inspired  confidence  in  the 
triumphant  party  that  their  victory  was  complete 
and  enduring,  and  introduced  an  "era  of  good 
feeling,"  which  subdued  the  aspcrites  of  former 
strife,  and  henceforth  old  political  adversaries 
to-mingled  in  opposing  or  supporting  public  men 
and  measures  as  their  individual  sense  of  duty 
dictated.  In  after  years  many  New  England 
federalists  of  1812,  occupied  high  and  responsible 
positions  in  public  life,  conspicuous  among 
them  being  that  eminent  orator,  jurist  and  states- 
man, Daniel  Webster,  of  Massachusetts,  and  also 
Samuel  Prentiss  of  Vermont,  who,  for  many  years 
adorned  the  judiciary  of  his  state  by  his  legal 
ability,  and  then  faithfully  served  for  twelve  years 
in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  with  great  credit 
to  himself  and  satisfaction  to  his  constitutents. 


ii 


GENEALOGY. 


fi 

ml 


|;d 


If 


W>6 


■|f.i«.,<i 


Genealogy  of  a  part  of  the  Ripley  Family,  collected  from  a 
compilation  by  H.W.  Ripley,  Harlem,  N.  Y.  Published  in  1867. 

FIRST   GENERATION: 
William  Ripley,  of  West  Bridgewater,  Massachusetts. 

SECOND   GENERATION: 
Margaret,  Sarah  (b.  1696.  m.  Geo.  Bryant)  John,  Martha(m. 
John  Rawson)  Williat;      Samuel. 

r  Johnathan    (b.  Mar.  5,  1707,    d.  Aug.  10,    1772)   Timotdy, 
Christopher. 

THIRD   GENERATION: 
Johnathan  m.  Hannah  Sturtevant,  of  Halifax,  Mass. 

children: 
Abigail,  ra.  Ames,  Rebecca,    Perez,  Johnathan,  Abner.    (ra. 
Elizabeth  White)  Hannah. 

Sylvanus.  (b.  Sept.  29  1749,  d.  Feb.  5.  1787.) 

FOURTH  GENERATION: 


1 


Sylvanus,  Rev.  (m.  Abigail,  daughter  of  Elear,er  Wheelock, 
Pres.  Dart.  Coll.  who  died  April  9,  1818.) 

children: 

John  Philips,  [d.  Mar.  7,  1816,  aged  40  years.] 

Mary.  [b.  Nov.  4.  1778.   m,    Nicholas  Baylies,  Judge  of  the 
Supreme  Court,  Montpelier,  Vt.  d.  Feb.  6,  1830.] 

Abigail,  m.  Dr.  Eliphalet  Lyman,  of  Woodstock,  Conn. 

Eleazer  Wheelock,    Maj.  Gen  U.  S.  A.  and  M.  C.  [b.    April 
15,  178 1,  d.  March  2  1739] 

Elizabeth,  [b.   1784  m.  Hon.  Judah   Dana,    U.S.   Senator, 
Fryeburg,  Mane.] 

James  Wheelock  [b.  March  12,  1786,  d,  June  2  1835.] 


J 


lected  from  a 
shed  in  1867. 

lusetts. 

[in,  Martha(m. 

r72)  Timotny, 

X,  Mass. 

m,  Abner.   (tn. 

) 

arer  Wheelock, 


•] 

is,  Judge  of  the 

tock,  Conn. 
M.  C.  [b.    April 


U.  S.   Senator, 


B  2 


1835-] 


